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THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

THE REBEL DAUPHIN AND 
THE STATESMAN KING 
FROM HIS ORIGINAL LETTERS 
AND OTHER DOCUMENTS ^ ^ 
By CHRISTOPHER HARE author of 

"marguerite of AUSTRIA," " A QUEEN OF QUEENS," ETC. 




ILLUSTRATED 



NEW YORK 

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 

153-157 FIFTH AVENUE 

1907 






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dP^ 



Printed in Great Britain 






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CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

Chronological Table xi 

Introduction xv 

Genealogical Table xix 

I. Louis the Dauphin : His Birth and Lineage . i 

Charles VII and Marie of Anjou ... 3 
The Darkest Hour for France : Conquered 

BY England 5 

Jeanne D'Arc n 

Relief of Orleans 13 

Turning of the Tide 14 

"Charles the Victorious" enters Paris . 19 

n. Marriage of the Dauphin to Margaret of /^' 

Scotland 20 

Her Father, James I 21 

Letters of Louis 27 

Charles of Orleans 29 

The Dauphin leads the "Ecorcheurs" out of 

France -33 

Battle of Saint Jacques' 38 

Reform of the Army 41 

III. Marguerite of Anjou Marries Henry VI . -43 

Death of Margaret la Dauphine ... 47 

Queen Marie and Agnes Sorel . . . . 52 

'Departure of the Dauphin from Court . 54 

His Life in Dauphine 55 

His Marriage with Charlotte of Savoy . 56 

Jacques Cceur 58 

Louis retires to Burgundy .... 59 

His Life at Genappe 61 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

IV. Death of Charles VII 68 

Accession of Louis XI 69 

He Travels to Paris with the Duke of 

Burgundy 70 

State of France 74 

The Great Nobles 75 

Concerning the Pragmatic Sanction . . ^^ 
Louis XI supports the House of Anjou at 

Naples 78 

Don Carlos of Viana 79 

Madeleine of France marries Gaston de Foix 80 

V. Marguerite of Anjou seeks the Help of Louis 81 

Louis XI takes possession of Roussillon . 85 

Philippe de Commines 92 

Louis recovers the Towns on the Somme . 93 

Conspiracy against the King .... 95 

Death of Charles D'Orleans .... 97 

VI. "Ligue du Bien Public" against Louis XI . -99 

Battle of Montl'hery 104 

Treaty of Conflans 109 

Recovery of Normandy by the King . .116 
Friendship of Louis with the Duke of Milan 117 
Anne of France Betrothed to Nicholas of 
Calabria 118 

VII. The Story of Liege .120 

The "Piteous Peace" 125 

Siege and Destruction of Dinant . . .127 
Death of Philip of Burgundy . . . .129 

Battle of St. Tron 132 

Submission of Liege . . . . . -133 

VIII. Aragon offered to Rene of Anjou . . .134 
Duke of Calabria in Spain . . . .136 

Armed Guilds of Paris 139 

The States-General meet at Tours . . 143 
Charles of Burgundy marries Margaret of 

York 144 

Galeazzo Maria Sforza, New Duke of Milan, 

marries Bona of Savoy 145 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

IX. Louis XI goes to Peronne 15° 

His Great Peril i53 

Treaty with Charles of Burgundy . . -154 
Louis compelled to join in the Siege and 

Destruction of Liege iS5 

Treachery and Punishment of Cardinal Balue i 59 
Louis XI gives Guienne to his Brother 

Charles 161 

Louis makes Peace between Marguerite of 

Anjou and Warwick 163 

X. Birth of the Dauphin (Charles VIII) . . 164 

Death of Jean of Calabria .... 169 

Success of Edward IV 172 

Marguerite of Anjou taken Prisoner and her 

Son slain after the Battle of Tewkesbury 173 

SixTus IV succeeds Paul II i75 

Death of Charles Duke of Guienne . . 177 

Invasion of France by the Duke of Burgundy 178 
Gallant Defence of Beauvais . . . .180 

XI. Philippe de Commines enters the Service of 

Louis XI 184 

Treaty with Brittany 186 

Charles of Burgundy disappointed by the 
Emperor 187 

Louis XI has Troubi,e with Armagnac, 
ALEN90N, and Rene of Anjou . . .188 

Marriage of the King's Daughters : Anne to 
Pierre de Beaujeu, and Jeanne to Louis 
of Orleans 190 

Treaty of Perpignan 196 

XII. League against Burgundy joined by the Swiss 

Confederation 197 

Charles of Burgundy besieges Neuss . . 201 
War in Roussillon, which is retaken by France 203 

Sedition at Bourges 204 

The Emperor, France, the Swiss, and the 
Duke of Lorraine combine against Charles, 

WHO RAISES the SiEGE OF NEUSS . . . 205 

Edward IV invades France .... 207 

Peace of Pecquigny 212 

Meeting of Louis XI and Edward IV . .214 
Execution for Treason of St. Pol, Constable 
OF France 215 

vii 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XIII. Treaty of Soleure between France and Bur- 

gundy 216 

Charles of Burgundy invades the Swiss 

Territory 217 

Granson Surrenders 218 

Defeat of Charles 219 

Battle of Morat, another Victory for the 

Swiss 222 

Yolande of Savoy seized by Charles . . 225 

Siege of Nancy 226 

Defeat and Death of Charles of Burgundy 228 

Policy of Louis XI 229 

Occupation of the Duchy of Burgundy . 230 

XIV. Assassination of Galeazzo, Duke of Milan . 232 

Louis invades Franche-Comt6 .... 233 

Troubles in the Netherlands .... 234 
The Men of Ghent put to Death the 

Ministers of Marie of Burgundy . . 235 

Revolt of Arras cruelly repressed . . 236 

Picardy laid Waste 237 

Marriage of Maximilian of Austria and 

Marie of Burgundy 239 

Truce with Burgundy 240 

Failing Health of Louis XI . . . .244 

XV. Illness of Louis XI 250 

Death of Marie of Burgundy .... 253 

Many Letters of the King .... 254 

Peace of Arras 255 

Marguerite of Austria Betrothed to the 

Dauphin at Amboise 255 

Anne of France, wife of Pierre de Beaujeu, 

appointed Regent 257 

Last Days of the King at Plessis . . . 258 

Death of Louis XI 260 

Contemporary Appreciations of his Character 263 
XVI. Review of the Life of Louis XI . . . .268 

Cause of his Unpopularity .... 269 

Enmity of the Burgundian Chroniclers . 271 
Some Attempt to trace the Origin of the 
Evil Repute in which the King's Memory 

is held 272 

Some Books of Reference and Others . . 283 

Index , 285 

viii 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Van 



Louts XI 

Charles VII, King of France {by Jeati Foucquet) 
Margaret of Scotland {engraving by Picart) 
Johann Arnolfini {by f.Van Eyck) . 
Pope Piles II ..... . 

Charles., Due d'' Orleans .... 

Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy {after f. 

Eyck) 

" Good King Reite,^' Duke of Provence, Anjou, etc. 
Frederick III giving Counsel to his Son {Woodcut 

from '"''Der Weiss- Kiinig''^) . 
Charles of Burgundy and his only Daughter { Woodcut 

from '•''Der Weiss-Kiinig") . 
Marguerite d'' Anjou, Queen of England . 
Henry VI, King of England 
Frederick III, Emperor .... 
Jeanfie de France, daughter of Louis XI . 
Maximilian and his Father ( Woodcut fro^n " Der 

Weiss-Kiinig'''') ..... 

Hawking {Woodcut from ''''Der Weiss-Kiinig") 
Marie de Bourgogne ...... 

Louis XI taking Counsel { Woodcut from ''''Der Weiss 

Kiinig") 

Camp fortified with Baggage Wagons ( Woodcut from 

''''Der Weiss-Kiinig''^) .... 
Maximilian I {after P. P. Rubens) . 
Philippe de Commines .... 
Map of France in the reigfi of Louis XI . 
Map of France, marking English possessions at the 

birth of Louis XI 



Frontispiece 




Facing page 


24 


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48 


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64 


>5 


80 


■>■> 


96 


11 


96 




120 



„ 144 

» 144 

„ 160 

176' 

184 

„ 192 

„ 216 

„ 2X6 

240 

248 

248 
„ 256 
„ 272 

Front inside cover 
Back ,, ,, 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 



1423. July 3. — Louis XI born. 

1424. Battle of Cravant. 

1428. The Duke of Bedford wins the Battle of Verneuil. 
Catherine of France born. 

1429. Battle of the Herrings. 

Siege of Orleans raised by Jeanne d'Arc. 
1431. Trial and death of Jeanne d'Arc. 

1433. La Tremoille driven from the Court of Charles VIL 

1434. Yolande of France born. 
'1435. Treaty of Arras. 

Naples under the House of Aragon. 

1436. Paris recovered by Charles VH. 

Louis the Dauphin marries Margaret of Scotland. 

1437. Siege of Montereau. 
Charles VH enters Paris. 

1438. Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. 

1440. Revolt of the Praguerie, joined by Louis the Dauphin. 

1443. Madeleine of France born. 

1444. Expedition of the Dauphin^ with the " Ecorcheurs," against the 

Swiss Confederation. 
Battle of St. Jacques. 
Truce of Tours between France and England. 

1445. Marriage between Henry VI and Marguerite of Anjou. 
Death of the Dauphine, Margaret of Scotland. 

1446. Charles of France born. 

Louis the Dauphin retires to Dauphin^. 

Death of Catherine of France, wife of Charles Count of Charolois. 

1449. Renewed war with England. 

1450. Battle of Formigny. 
Death of Agnfes Sorel. 

1 45 1. Louis the Dauphin marries Charlotte of Savoy. 
Campaign in Guienne. 

The English retire from most of France. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 

1453. The Earl of Talbot defeated and killed at Chatillon. 
End of the Hundred Years' War. 
Constantinople taken by the Turks. 

1455. Battle of St. Albans. 

1456. Louis takes refuge at the Court of Burgundy. 
Death of Jacques Coeur. 

1457. Birth of Marie, daughter of Charles of Burgundy. 

1458. Pius II (^neas Sylvius Piccolomini) elected Pope. 
Mathias Corvinus, King of Hungary. 

1459. Birth of a son to Louis the Dauphin (Joachim, who died the same 

year). 

1460. Battle of Wakefield won by Marguerite of Anjou. 

1461. Death of Charles VII. Louis XI succeeds, 
Philip Duke of Burgundy comes to his coronation. 

Repeal of Pragmatic Sanction. Edward IV King of England. 

1462. Birth of Anne de France, daughter of Louis XL 
Parliament of Bordeaux established. 

Louis takes possession of Roussillon. 
Marguerite of Anjou seeks the help of France. 

1463. Revolt of Roussillon. 

Louis recovers the towns on the Somme. 

John of Calabria driven from Naples. 

Philip of Burgundy quarrels with his son Charles. 

1464. " Ligue du Bien Public " against Louis XI. 
Birth of Jeanne de France, daughter of Louis XL 
Death of Pope Pius II. Paul II succeeds him. 
Battle of Hexham. 

Edward IV marries Elizabeth Woodville. 
Discontent in France with the King. 

1465. Treaties of Conflans and St. Maur. 
Beginning of Civil War. Louis attacks Bourbon. 
Battle of Montl'h^ry. 

Paris attacked. Rouen betrayed. 

Louis recovers Normandy. Makes alliance with Li^ge. 
The "Piteous Peace." 

John of Calabria accepts the crown of Aragon. 
Death of Isabelle de Bourbon, second wife of Charles of Bur- 
gundy. 

1466. Louis XI makes an alliance with Warwick. 

Siege and destruction of Dinant by the Duke of Burgundy. 
Death of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 

1467. Death of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy. 
Succession of Charles the Bold, his son. 
Battle of St. Tron won by Charles of Burgundy. 

Death of Duke Louis of Savoy, father of Queen Charlotte. 
The Bretons invade Normandy. 

1468. The States-General meet at Tours. 

Charles Duke of Burgundy marries Margaret, sister of 

Edward IV. 
Louis XI invades Brittany. 
Revolt of Lit^ge. 

Louis XI at Pi^ronne. Treaty with Charles of Burgundy. 
Louis compelled to join in the siege and destruction of Li^ge. 

1469. Louis XI gives Guienne to his brother Charles. 
Charles of Burgundy overcomes Ghent. 
Edward IV opposed by Warwick. 
Institution of the Order of Saint Michael. 

1470. June 30. — Birth of Dauphin, afterwards Charles VIII. 

Louis XI makes peace between Marguerite of Anjou and 

Warwick. 
Henry VI of England restored to the throne. 
Louis XI declares war against Burgundy. 
Prince Edward of England marries Anne Neville. 

1471. St. Quentin and Amiens taken by the King of France, 
Truce with Charles of Burgundy. 

Restoration of Edward IV after battle of Tewkesbury. 
League against Louis XI. 
Death of Henry VI. 
Pope Sixtus IV elected. 

1472. Death of Charles Duke of Guienne. 
Concordat between Louis XI and Sixtus IV. 
Charles of Burgundy invades France. 
Siege of Beauvais. 

Louis invades Brittany. 
Truce with Burgundy. 

1473. Duke of Burgundy annexes Guelders and Zutphen. 
Frederick III meets Charles of Burgundy. 

War in Roussillon. 

Pope Sixtus IV attempts to mediate. 

The Swiss oppose Burgundy. 

Charles the Bold takes possession of Guelders. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 

1474. Marriage of Anne de France with Pierre Duke of Bourbon. 

Death of Enrique IV of Castille. Isabel, his sister, succeeds him. 

War with Burgundy. 

Siege of Neuss. 

Coalition against Louis XI. 

^475- War against Burgundy. 

Edward IV invades France. 

Peace of Pecquigny between England and France. 
Peace between Louis XI and Charles of Burgundy. . 
Lorraine annexed by Burgundy. 

1476. Battle of Granson. Charles defeated by the Swiss. 
Battle of Morat won by the Swiss. 

Marriage of Jeanne de France with Louis of Orleans. 

1477. Battle of Nancy. Defeat and death of Charles of Burgundy. 
Louis XI takes possession of the duchy of Burgundy. 
Intrigues in the Netherlands. 

Revolt of Arras. 

Marriage of Marie of Burgundy with Maximilian of Austria. 

1478. Truce with Maximilian of Austria. 
Intrigues in Italy and Spain. 
Murder of Guiliano dei Medici. 

1479. Battle of Guinegaste. 
Louis XI increases his army. 

Death of Juan II of Aragon. Succession of Ferdinand and 
Isabel. 

1480. Troubles in the Netherlands. 
Failing health of Louis XL 
Negotiations for peace. 

Death of King Ren^ the Good, of Provence. 

1481. Provence, Anjou, and Bar added to the possessions of France. 
Louis XI struck by apoplexy. 

Inquisition in Spain. 

1482. Death of Marie of Burgundy. 

Death of Jeanne de France, Duchess of Bourbon, sister of Louis XI. 

Treaty of Arras. 

Marguerite of Austria sent to France as bride of the Dauphin. 

1483. Death of Edward IV. 
Death of Louis XI. 

Anne de France appointed Regent for Charles VIII. 



INTRODUCTION 

It has been said that "A biographer is bound by a 
sort of feudal tenure to rehabilitate the lord under 
whom he takes service."^ Yet such was not my in- 
tention when I began the serious study of the life and 
letters of Louis XI, in the hope of writing a simple 
and graphic sketch of that most interesting period. 
Day by day the subject has grown in importance and 
fascination, as I realized the splendid wealth of material 
placed within my reach by the patriotic labours of the 
Societe de I'Histoire de France, and of which I am 
probably the first English writer to avail myself. 

Under the auspices of the Society, an immense mass 
of Louis XI's correspondence has been collected and 
published ; no less than nineteen hundred and thirty- 
five " lettres missives" — original letters written or 
dictated by the King himself — and over two hundred 
"pieces justificatives " in nine large volumes. The 
first volume was published in 1883, and consisted of 
the letters of Louis the Dauphin, collected and 
annotated by the archivist, M. Etienne Charavay. 
This heroic pioneer of historical science had devoted 
twenty years of his life to the arduous task, and so 
completely was he won over to "feudal service of 
his lord," that in his Preface, after enumerating the 

^ Freeman's Essay on Charles the Bold, 



INTRODUCTION 

great deeds of statesmanship and prowess of the 
Dauphin, M. Charavay is proud to call him *'mon 
heros." From these letters we gain a vivid insight 
into that most interesting period of Louis XI's life 
when, as Dauphin, he studied the arts of governing 
and of warfare. This will be fully dwelt upon, as it 
has been but lightly touched by most historians. 

The remaining eight volumes of Louis the King, 
1461-82, have been collected and illustrated with pro- 
found research by the archivist, M. Joseph Vaesen, 
and have been published at intervals, the ninth volume 
having only appeared in 1905, and bringing us down 
to within a year of the death of Louis XI. Unfor- 
tunately the final volume with Index and Biographical 
Notes is still only in progress. 

The historian, P. F. Willert, who wrote a Life of 
Louis XI in 1876 (Historical Handbooks), regrets 
that these letters were not available then, yet in many 
points he forestalls the later view therein given of the 
character of Louis XI, which has also been so warmly 
advocated by recent French writers, such as M. Urbain 
Legeay. He remarks that a student '*may perhaps 
be perplexed to find Louis presented in a light so 
different from that in which, owing to an early ac- 
quaintance with ' Quentin Durward,' he rriay have 
learnt to regard him." 

As we read through this immense correspondence 
of the King's on all possible subjects, showing the 
most intimate knowledge of his people's wants and 
the most earnest desire to satisfy them — as we study 
the royal edicts, the old chronicles of various towns, 
and even the carefully kept accounts of the reign, 
we do indeed learn to reconsider the unfavourable 



INTRODUCTION 

verdict on the character of Louis XI, too much taken 
in this country as a parti pris alike by historians 
and novelists. Perhaps we dimly feel that Sir Walter 
Scott, from whom our earliest and strongest impres- 
sions are derived, made Louis XI an unmitigated 
villain only for his dramatic purpose. We do not 
like to be robbed of our villains who provide us with 
so much excitement on the stage of life. 

Yet as we follow the course of the great Statesman- 
King through all the tangled politics and feuds of this 
"most difficult period of history," the story becomes 
one of supreme interest while we watch "I'homme 
moderne en lutte contre le rtioyen age ; I'organisateur 
serieux, le pacificateur reel, contre la discorde eternelle 
du monde feodal." 

An attempt will be made in the last chapter to con- 
sider the various contemporary and other memoirs, 
chronicles, and histories of Louis XI, their trustworthi- 
ness, or the different reasons which they may have had 
for prejudice and misrepresentation. This will permit 
the life of Louis XI to be retold simply and dis- 
passionately, from a study of the wealth of authentic 
documents and undoubted testimony, without being 
delayed by constant reference to matters of controversy. 
*' Nothing extenuate nor set down aught in malice" 
is my motto. 



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LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 



CHAPTER I 

HIS BIRTH AND LINEAGE 
1423 

Charles VII and Marie of Anjou — Yolande of 
Aragon — The Darkest Hour for France — Con- 
quered BY England — Jeanne d'Arc — Relief of 
Orleans — Turning of the Tide — Coronation of 
"Charles the Victorious." 

In the very heart of old Touraine, within the ancient 
city of Bourges, rising proudly with its towers and 
battlements above the meeting rivers of the plain 
below, a notable event took place nearly five centuries 
ago. On the 3rd of July, 1423, was born a prince of 
the royal house of France, the eldest son of Charles 
VII and Marie of Anjou, known in days to come as 
Louis XI, one of the most striking figures in history. 
When but a day old, the infant heir was borne to the 
baptismal font within the splendid cathedral of Saint 
Etienne, and the stately procession of priests and nobles 
and ladies of the Court passed beneath that glorious 
central portal, where still stands forth the sculptured 
vision of the Last Judgment. 

The child did not receive the name of his father, for 
'' Charles" was of ill-omen since the misfortunes of the 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

previous reign, nor was he called Jean after his god- 
father the young Duke of Alen9on, as the long captivity of 
King Jean II was still a bitter memory. The well- 
beloved name of Louis may not only have recalled the 
fame of his sainted ancestor, but may have seemed a 
happy omen for the boy's life and character. The old 
chronicle is so minute as to tell us the name of his 
nurse, Clemence Fallone, who is mentioned on several 
occasions in the royal account books. Her position 
was one of honour and importance, as we realize on 
seeing, in the ancient church of Saumur, the monument 
of another royal nurse of the same family, whose image 
carved in stone bears a swaddled babe on each arm — 
Rene the Good of Anjou, and his sister Marie, the 
mother of Louis XL 

Perhaps the most interesting figure present at the bap- 
tism of the royal infant was his grandmother, Yolande 
of Aragon, Queen of Sicily as she was popularly called. 
She plays so important a part in the life of her daughter's 
husband, Charles VII, both before and after the birth 
of Louis, that his story would be incomplete without a 
brief account of Yolande. The daughter of Juan I of 
Aragon, she married Louis II, Duke of Anjou, in the 
year 1400, at Aries. Their eldest son, Louis, was 
betrothed to Catherine, daughter of Jean sans Peur, 
Duke of Burgundy, by whose orders the Duke of 
Orleans, husband of Valentine Visconti, was murdered 
in 1408. On hearing of this terrible event, the Duke 
of Anjou sent back the little princess to her father, with 
all her splendid dowry, jewels, and presents, as he 
refused to be allied with a murderer. The House of 
Burgundy never forgave this affront, which was the 
cause of long intermittent warfare. 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

On the death of her uncle, Martin the Humane of 
Aragon, without an heir, Yolande asserted her claim 
to the throne, but she crossed the Pyrenees in vain, for 
the crown was given to Fernando, " Regent of Castile," 
the son of the late King's sister, Leonora. Soon after 
this, in October, 141 3, a marriage was arranged be- 
tween her eldest daughter, Marie, and Charles " Comte 
de Ponthieu," the third son of the King of France. 
As Charles VI had one of his fits of madness at the 
time, it was his wife, Isabelle of Bavaria, who met 
Yolande, first at the manoir de Mancoussis where the 
preliminaries were settled, and afterwards when the 
ceremony of betrothal was performed between the two 
children at the palace of the Louvre, with great pomp 
and splendour. 

The motherly instincts of Yolande were aroused on 
behalf of this young prince who was to be so nearly 
allied to her, and whose wretched childhood had been 
so neglected, with a mad father and a mother given up 
to luxury and every evil pleasure, leading a dissolute 
and shameful life. Isabelle is said to have hated her 
son Charles, and certainly her later actions justify this 
accusation. The mother of his betrothed bride came to 
the rescue and took away the boy of ten, to treat him 
henceforth as one of her own children. Marie was a 
year younger, and the little Rene, born in 1409 
(afterwards known as the *'Good King"), grew up to 
be his companion and playfellow, and they remained 
constant friends through life. It is interesting to find 
in old account books — a priceless source of information 
— that in the year 1414 the Queen of Sicily took up her 
abode at Angers, at Saumur and at Tours, with the 
"Comte de Ponthieu and her other children." In 

3 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

February, 1416, the " King and Queen of Sicily, with 
Monsieur and Madame de Ponthieu," were in Paris, 
and they all had a narrow escape of being massacred 
by the people of the city. In 1417, Charles became 
Dauphin by the death of the second of his elder brothers, 
and in April of that year the husband of Yolande, and 
the father of Marie, Louis II of Anjou, died, forgiving 
all who had wronged him, and bidding his children 
make peace with the Duke of Burgundy ; but with his 
last words advising Charles never to trust him. 

Yolande was left regent for her young son Louis III, 
aged thirteen, and we find her actively engaged in 
defending Anjou and Maine against the English with 
the help of a subsidy of 30,000 francs from Charles, 
who as Dauphin is now in possession of Berry and 
Poitou. It was while Yolande was away in Provence, 
in the autumn of 1419, that the tragedy of the Bridge 
of Montereau occurred, when Jean sans Peur, Duke of 
Burgundy, was murdered by Tanneguy Duchatel, in 
the presence of the Dauphin, though without his orders. 
Isabelle of Bavaria took advantage of this unfortunate 
event to induce the new Duke of Burgundy, Philip the 
Good, to conclude with Henry V the infamous Treaty of 
Troyes, which the unhappy Charles VI was compelled 
to sign, without knowing that he thus deprived his son 
of his birthright. This was in May, 1420, and it was 
arranged that Catherine of France should marry the 
King of England, who received the title of Regent and 
presumptive heir of the throne. The Dauphin, declared 
unworthy to succeed, appealed to God and his sword. 

But Henry V did not live long to enjoy his triumph ; 
he died in 1422, and six weeks later was followed by the 
poor mad King, Charles VI. Never had the strong and 

4 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

splendid kingdom of France fallen so low as in that 
dark hour, when a foreign foe was in possession of her 
most prized cities and strongholds, and the young 
son of the victorious Henry V was proclaimed King of 
England and of France. The reign of the hapless 
Charles VI had closed in ruin and disaster a year before 
the birth of Louis, his grandson, and Charles VII, the 
father of the new-born prince, was a foolish pleasure- 
seeking lad of twenty, too much guided by weak or evil 
counsellors, and fiercely opposed by most of his own 
kinsmen as well as his foreign enemies. 

Charles, indeed, was called in contempt the "King 
of Bourges," for nearly all the provinces north of 
the Loire, as well as Guienne in the south, owned 
the sway of the invaders. The nominal reign of the 
hapless young King had begun in the most un- 
fortunate manner, for his armies had been defeated 
again and again and the whole land was devastated 
and laid waste, at the mercy of a reckless and brutal 
soldiery. So black was the prospect that there seemed 
scarcely room for hope, yet the heart of the nation 
was still with the descendant of its ancient kings, 
and only awaited the clarion call which should summon 
the men of France to drive the alien from their soil. 

From the memories of Louis XI in after days we 
gather that his was no happy childhood. We can 
picture the little Dauphin forlorn and neglected in 
those stately castles of Touraine, where the air was 
heavy with rumours of disaster which no wasteful 
feasts, and courtly games, and vain pleasures could 
lighten. In the speech reported by Chastellain which 
Louis made on his accession to the throne of France 
in 1461, at the age of thirty-eight, he says: "Only 

5 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

yesterday I held myself to be the poorest son of a 
king that ever was, and one who from my infancy to 
the present day, have had nought but suffering and 
tribulation, poverty, anguish, and want. ..." 

In those early years after the accession of Charles 
VII, one disaster followed on the heels of another. 
In 1423, the Earl of Salisbury, after an obstinate 
battle, raised the siege of Cravant on the Yonne. 
The next year a great victory was won under the 
walls of Verneuil, after two days fighting, by the 
English, who thus gained possession of the county 
of Maine. Here the dark sky was pierced by one 
ray of light when the gallant young Duke of Alen9on, 
taken prisoner, refused to purchase his liberty by 
agreeing to the shameful Treaty of Troyes. But the 
royalists had to grieve for their brave Scottish allies 
who were almost exterminated, for after the battle 
all of them who were taken prisoners were hung as 
rebels to their liege lord, the King of England. 
France was not ungrateful for their devotion, as the 
few who survived that fatal day were enlisted to 
form the Scots Guard, so famous in after time. 

Encouraged by their success, the English under the 
Duke of Bedford, who was now master of nearly the 
whole territory north of the Loire, made a supreme 
effort to push southward. The provincial towns were 
gaining in strength and courage to resist the foe, 
and Montargis stood out bravely during a siege 
of three months, and then sent word to King Charles 
that they had no food or ammunition left. The Count 
of Dunois and La Hire set forth at once with about 
sixteen hundred men to the rescue, and on the way 
they met a priest, from whom La Hire begged absolu- 

6 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

tion. He was naturally bidden to confess his sins 
first, but the rough captain replied : "I have no time, 
for I am in haste to attack the English ; moreover, 
I have but done as all soldiers are wont to do." 

The priest having unwillingly consented to this un- 
canonical act, La Hire knelt down by the wayside and 
prayed thus: " Mon Dieu, I beseech Thee to do this 
day for La Hire that which Thou wouldst have La Hire 
do for Thee, if he were God and Thou La Hire." 
With a conscience at rest, he then continued his jour- 
ney, made a fierce onslaught on the English, and forced 
them to raise the siege of Montargis. 

This was in 1427, and the following year the Duke 
of Bedford, at the head of an army of ten thousand 
men, marched towards Orleans, which was the key 
of Berry, Poitou, and the Bourbonnais, and whose 
possession would be of the highest importance for the 
coming campaign. The siege began in October, and 
the English, realizing how great an enterprise it was, 
lost no time in building a series of " fortilices " or small 
" bastiles " around, to prevent the arrival of any succour 
or provisions to the beleaguered city. All that winter 
the siege was carried on with great vigour, while the 
garrison, headed by the bravest "routiers," Dunois, 
La Hire, and others, made a stout resistance. The 
citizens formed themselves into thirty-four companies 
to defend the towers which stood out from the city walls, 
and they destroyed the suburbs, lest they should afford 
cover to the enemy. It is worthy of notice that artillery 
played a more important part in this siege than in any 
other in France, and the men of Orleans appear to have 
been better gunners than the English. 

There were not wanting grim touches of sardonic 

7 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

humour in the story we are told. Thus it is stated that 
one day during the pause for the midday meal, a lad 
from the town, who was strolling on the ramparts, 
found a cannon ready loaded and took it into his head 
to fire it. The ball shattered the iron casement of a 
tower window, from which the Earl of Salisbury was 
taking a survey of the fortifications, and he was mor- 
tally wounded by the fragments at the very moment 
when William Glasdale was saying to him, *' My lord, 
you see your city." 

Again, it so happened that at the beginning of Lent 
that brave soldier. Sir John Fastolf, was sent by 
Bedford in charge of a convoy of provisions, chiefly 
consisting of salt fish, for the use of the English army. 
The besieged heard of this, and resolved to intercept 
the convoy, but Fastolf astutely entrenched his men 
behind the wagons, and won the day, with a loss to the 
French of nearly five hundred men, who could ill be 
spared. This encounter was called the "Battle of 
Herrings," the fish being strewn in numbers over the 
field. The fall of Orleans now seemed to be in- 
evitable. 

We cannot pass by the name of Sir John Fastolf 
without a brief allusion to his gallant exploits in the 
French war, where he rose high in repute under 
Henry V. He fought at Agincourt with distinguished 
valour, was made Governor of Harfleur and Melans, 
Baron of France, and Knight of the Garter, and he 
captured the Duke of Alen9on at the battle of Verneuil 
— a great prize, although Sir John never received the 
ransom due to him. On his one defeat at Patay, his 
splendid reputation was lost, and he became a scapegoat 
with the English people for the losses in France. Yet 

8 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

this was not the worst which befell Sir John Fastolf, 
the Lord of Caistor Castle, the Privy Councillor of 
Henry VI, for if we accept the usual theory that he 
was the prototype of Shakespeare's Sir John Falstaff, 
what a fate was his, to be held up to ridicule through 
the ages, by the incomparable humour of so burlesque 
a travesty ! 

Charles VII was at last thoroughly roused from his 
indolent self-indulgence, if indeed his seeming reckless- 
ness may not have been the outward result of hopeless 
despondency. Yolande of Aragon — * ' ma bonne mere " 
as he always called her — had strained every nerve on his 
behalf. It was through her that Brittany was won 
to his cause by an alliance with Arthur de Richemont, 
brother of the Duke of Brittany, who had served 
the English cause, but had reason to be discontented 
with his foreign allies. He was made Constable of 
France and rendered invaluable help to the young 
King, who had been unfortunately led away by un- 
deserving favourites, such as Louvet and La Tre- 
mouille. We can scarcely exaggerate the value of 
Yolande's influence over his unstable mind, and it is 
possible that his gentle Queen, Marie of Anjou — ''jeune 
fiUe douce et interessante," a model of all domestic 
virtues, deserves more credit than she has received. 

It has been the custom of some historians to attri- 
bute the growing energy and spirit of Charles VII 
at this time to the patriotic counsels of Agnes Sorel, 
but in fact this lady did not enter into his story until 
some years later, when the tide of fortune had already 
turned, and hope reviving had taken the place of 
despair. 

The dominion of foreigners had become each day 

9 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

more hateful to the great mass of the French people, and 
they were moved by the appeal of the patriotic writer, 
Alain Chartier, who called upon the nobility, the 
clergy, and the bourgeois to unite in one last effort 
to save their country. Another singer, Olivier Basselin, 
thus encouraged his countrymen to drive out the enemy 
from their fatherland : — 

" Entre vous, genz de village, 
Qui aimez le roy Franijoys, 
Prenez chacun bon courage, 
Pour combattre les Engloys. 
Prenez chacun une houe 
Pour mieux les desraciner. 

Ne craig-nez point, allez battre 
Ces godons, panches i poys. 
Car un de nous en vault quatre, 
Au moins en vault-il bien troys." 

(Amongst you, ye village folk. 
Who love the King of France ; 
Let each one take good courage 
To fight against the English. 
Let each one take a hoe 
To root them out the better. 

Do not fear, go forth and fight 
Those "god-dens"^ paunches full of peas, 
For one of us is worth four of them, 
Or at least is well worth three.) 

Charles had appealed to the nobility and to the 
States-General and obtained the large sum of 100,000 
crowns, but this seemed to have been spent in vain ; 
and the King was hourly expecting news of the fall 
of his devoted city, when he would be driven from the 
central parts of France, and be compelled to retire into 

^"Good-day," the common English salutation. 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

Dauphine. It seemed as though a miracle alone could 
save his unfortunate country, and lo ! at that very time 
the people of France came to believe that the miracle 
had indeed been granted to them. 

In the month of March, 1429, the Court was at 
Chinon, on the banks of the River Vienne, in that 
wonderful old castle which still stands with its massive 
walls and huge towers stretched along a low ridge 
of rocky hill above the clear, swift river at its feet. 
There was a stir of interest amongst the gay lords and 
fine ladies, for the rumour had spread that a young 
woman from the borders of Lorraine had arrived with 
a mysterious message, and was to have an audience 
with the King. Strange stories had been told about 
this Jeanne d'Arc, who declared that she had a divine 
mission to relieve the city of Orleans and to conduct 
King Charles to Rheims to be crowned after the manner 
of his ancestors. There was a hush of curiosity as the 
young peasant girl, clad in a man's hose and doublet, 
and followed by her small escort, was led into the 
presence chamber, which remains to this day, — a great 
hall overlooking the river, with a massive chimney at 
one end, — all now in ruins, overgrown with straggling 
branches of wild rose. 

In order to put Jeanne to the test, the young King 
stood undistinguished amongst the crowd of courtiers, 
but without a moment's hesitation she went straight to 
him and knelt at his feet. '*Gentil Dauphin; God 
grant you a good life," she said. In vain he protested 
at first that he was not the King, then he asked what 
she wanted. " Gentil Dauphin [as she always called 
him before his coronation], I am Jeanne la Pucelle, 
and the King of Heaven bids me tell you that you 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

shall be anointed and crowned at Rheims, and shall be 
lieutenant for the King of Heaven, who is King of 
France." We are told that she then whispered a few 
words and added, *' I tell you, in God's name, that you 
are true heir of France and son of the King." 

To explain the point of this remark, it is needful to 
add that the mother of Charles, Isabelle of Bavaria, had 
come very young to the corrupt Court of France, and 
in after years her conduct had been so disgraceful as to 
throw doubts upon her son's legitimacy. In the Treaty 
of Troyes, signed by Isabelle herself, he was described 
as the ** so-called Dauphin." We are told that Charles 
"was much amazed and very joyous " to hear Jeanne's 
assurance. After much strict questioning by priests 
and theologians and ladies of the Court, more especi- 
ally Yolande of Aragon, who was a strong advocate of 
Jeanne from the first, the judgment was thus given : 
" Having heard all these reports, the King taking into 
consideration the great goodness which was in La 
Pucelle, and that she declared herself to be sent by 
God, it was by the said Seigneur and his council 
determined that from henceforward he would make 
use of her for his wars, since it was for this that she 
was sent." 

Jeanne was next equipped for her perilous expedi- 
tion, and it is noteworthy that the chief of her escort, 
Jean d'Aulon, and her confessor, Jean Pasquerel, both 
remained faithful to her until the end. She was clad in 
armour and carried her own chosen standard, for as 
she said in simple words, " she had no wish to use her 
sword and would kill no man." 

The whole marvellous story of Jeanne d'Arc has been 
so often retold and is so well known that it will only be 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

needful briefly to refer to those striking events which 
must have filled the mind and dazzled the childish 
imagination of Louis the Dauphin. We follow her to 
the gates of Orleans with a regenerated army which 
has given up strong drink, violence, and sacrilegious 
oaths at the word of a young girl. We see her enter 
the city with a convoy of provisions and stores pro- 
vided by Queen Yolande, who sold her county of Nice 
to supply the artillery which did such good service. 
As Jeanne rides through the streets in shining armour, 
mounted on a white charger, we do not wonder that 
she is greeted with acclamations as an avenging angel. 
During seven long months Orleans has been closely 
beleaguered, but within ten days of the arrival of La 
Pucelle, the siege is raised. The tide of success has 
indeed changed, for one victory follows another : Jar- 
geau, Meung-sur-Loire, Beaugency, and Troyes are 
taken from the English, and the keys of Chalons are 
brought to Charles by the bishop. At length the 
crowning success was attained, and the King rode in 
triumph, with Jeanne d'Arc by his side, into the ancient 
city of Rheims for his solemn coronation, on the i6th 
of July, 1429. We are told that, outside the choir of 
the ancient cathedral that Saturday morning, Charles, 
in accordance with ancient custom, was presented by 
his nobles to the assembled people with the proclama- 
tion : — 

''Here behold your King whom we the peers of 
France crown as King and sovereign lord. If there 
be one soul amongst you that would oppose it, let him 
speak and we will make answer to him. For to-morrow 
shall the King be consecrated by the grace of the Holy 
Spirit if you have nought to say against it." And the 

13 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

people made answer with echoing cries of "Noel! 
Noel ! " 

The splendid pageant of the morrow, with gorgeous 
processions of armoured knights on horseback, of 
bishops in their richest robes, of peers and men-at- 
arms, and an excited populace, with banners waving 
and trumpets flaring, may well have left an indelible 
impression on the young Dauphin, who was old enough 
to know that all this greatness would one day be his. 
That eventful day was indeed an epoch in his life, for 
thereby his inheritance was assured to him ; but the 
true heroine of that amazing triumph was the peasant 
girl from Domremy, Jeanne la Pucelle, who had ful- 
filled her promise and knew that her work was done. 

Orleans had been relieved in the hour of its dire 
extremity, the whole campaign of the Loire had been 
one long victory for the armies of France and a chain of 
disasters for the English invaders. The Earl of Suffolk 
had been taken at Jargeau, the brave Talbot was made 
prisoner at the battle of Patay, and so great and sudden 
had been the misfortunes of the army which a few 
months before had been assured of conquest, that the 
Regent Bedford was not alone in his belief in sorcery. 
Even amongst her own people there were many who 
misjudged poor Jeanne, and, strangely enough, the 
Church had always been disposed to look upon her 
with doubtful tolerance if not with actual hostility. 
"Give God the praise ; but we know that this woman 
is a sinner," had been the attitude of certain bishops. 
From the day of the coronation a change was visible 
in the King and many of his counsellors, who felt 
a growing jealousy of the girl champion who had 
accomplished such mighty works. 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

Still, the people of France had been successfully 
roused, and the English steadily lost ground until they 
were driven from most of their northern provinces and 
the towns of Crecy, Provins, Coulommiers, and Chateau- 
Thierry expelled their foreign garrisons. Trusting to 
the patriotism of the citizens, the generals of Charles 
marched against Paris and made an attack upon the 
gate of St. Honore, but they were repulsed, and turn- 
ing back towards Compiegne they were successful in 
taking it after a long siege. The Duke of Burgundy 
in his turn besieged the town, and Jeanne d'Arc appears 
to have joined in the defence. She had long felt that 
her real mission was at an end, and had warned her 
friends that her death was near at hand, entreating 
their prayers on her behalf. On May 25, 143 1, the 
fatal event took place during a sortie which she had 
led, when, either by mistake or treachery, the draw- 
bridge was raised before she could re-enter the town, and 
she was compelled to yield herself a prisoner to a 
knight of the Duke of Burgundy. Jeanne was basely 
sold to the Duke of Bedford for 10,000 livres. No effort 
seems to have been made to save her on the part of the 
King who owed his crown to her, and, as we all know, 
the sad tragedy came to an end by the cruel death of 
the heroic maiden in the market-place of Rouen. She 
will ever remain enshrined one of the noblest characters 
in the history of the land she loved so well, and for 
whose sake she freely gave her life — brave and pure as 
any of the army of martyrs. 

The death of Jeanne d'Arc did not improve the 
position of the English ; for although the young 
Henry VI was crowned in Paris on December 17, 
the same year, 143 1, the ceremony was shorn of all 

15 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

significance by the absence of all the French nobles, 
and the want of all the magnificence and the usual 
''largesse" and royal generosity on such occasions. 
A still more serious mattef was that the Duke of 
Burgundy was growing weary of his foreign allies 
whom he had served so well without receiving any 
return from them. He had never forgiven the remark 
of the Duke of Bedford when it was suggested in 1429 
that Orleans should be placed as a neutral city in 
the hands of Phillip, that " il serait bien marry d'avoir 
battu les buissons et que d'autres eussent les oisillons." 
Moreover, on the death of Anne of Burgundy, the wife 
of Bedford, in 1432, he had hastened to marry a daughter 
of the Count of Saint-Pol, without even consulting 
his former brother-in-law. Duke Philip felt these 
affronts bitterly, and was also well aware that his 
alliance with England was very unpopular in his own 
land. 

It was fortunate for the cause of Charles VII that 
about this time he was induced to dismiss the most 
unworthy and guilty of his favourites. La Tremouille, 
and to take back into his favour the Constable of 
Richemont, whose talents as a politician equalled his 
courage as a soldier. Everybody was weary of the 
long disastrous war, and in 1435 a general conference 
was held at Arras to consider the terms of peace. 
There were ambassadors from all the states of Europe — 
the Pope Eugenius IV, the Emperor Sigismund, the 
Kings of Castile, Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, Sicily, 
Naples, Cyprus, Poland, and Denmark, while the 
large towns and the University of Paris sent their 
delegates. The King of England was represented by 
the Cardinal of Winchester and a goodly company 

16 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

of barons ; the King of France sent the Constable 
of Richemont and eighteen nobles, and the Duke of 
Burgundy appeared in person. 

England demanded only a truce and the marriage 
of Henry VI with one of the daughters of Charles 
VII. At this time there were three princesses living, 
all younger than Louis — Catherine, Jeanne, and the 
baby Yolande. The French Ambassador refused any- 
thing but a permanent peace, on the understanding 
of Henry giving up all pretensions to the throne 
of France and to the provinces which he still occupied. 
These terms were rejected with contempt, and the 
Cardinal of Winchester announced his intention of 
at once leaving the council and returning with his 
company to England. 

The Pope's envoys appear to have used their influence 
with Philip of Burgundy, who having received news 
of the death of the Duke of Bedford, and the expected 
end of Queen Isabelle of Bavaria, felt himself released 
from his former engagements, and was willing to make 
peace with France. Charles VII was compelled to 
consent to most humiliating conditions, as he, first, had 
to declare that Duke Jean-sans-peur was unjustly slain 
and that all who took part in his murder were to be 
exiled from France. Next he was to yield up the 
countships of Auxerre and Macon, the towns of Roye, 
Peronne, and Mont-Didier as well as those in the valley 
of the Somme, besides 400,000 gold crowns. On these 
terms the Treaty of Arras was signed, independently 
of England. By way of compensation, Charles VII 
was now master of Paris, for the citizens threw open to 
him the gate of Saint Jacques on the 29th of May, 
1436. There was still an English force of fifteen 
c 17 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

thousand men under Lord Willoughby, who, after 
vainly endeavouring to defend Paris, shut themselves 
up within the fortress of the Bastille. 

This was a frequent occurrence in medieval times, 
and as in this case, it was often a very difficult matter 
for the conquerors of a city to obtain possession of the 
citadel. Richemont had no ammunition or artillery 
sufficiently powerful to take the fortress by assault, 
although he would thereby have obtained a rich booty 
from the ransom of the numerous noblemen who were 
serving with the English army. The Constable was 
therefore compelled to accept the terms offered by Lord 
Willoughby — that he and his army might depart with 
the honours of war, and all their possessions, in the 
company of all the Frenchmen who had joined them. 
When these conditions were granted to them, they 
gave up the Bastille to Richemont, marched out of 
Paris by the gate of Saint Antoine, embarked in 
boats on the Seine, and made their retreat safely to 
Rouen. The old Queen Isabelle of Bavaria died in 
Paris, wretched and deserted, three days later. 

The taking of the capital may be said to end the first 
part of the reign of Charles VII, who from this time, 
under the advice of wiser counsellors, such as the famous 
Jacques Coeur, his banker (argentier), Jean Bureau, 
Master of the Artillery, and others, showed himself 
more worthy of his high position. He was fortunate 
in his generals, for Chabannes, Dunois, La Hire, 
Xaintrailles, Pierre and Jean de Breze served him with 
courage and skill on the battlefield. It is worthy of 
note as showing a new departure, that almost all of 
these men belonged either to the bourgeois class or to 
the "petite noblesse"; indeed, the only real member 

i8 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

of the ** noblesse " in the King's council was the Count 
of Richemont. We shall see this policy carried on in 
future to a much greater extent. 

Charles made his entry into Paris with great pomp 
and magnificence, and the citizens received him with 
the utmost enthusiasm, hailing him as Charles "the 
Victorious," on his return to the capital of his ancestors 
after an absence of eighteen years. 



19 



CHAPTER II 

LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

1436-45 

Margaret of Scotland and her Father, James I — 
Marriage of the Dauphin — His Letters — Charles 
OF Orleans— The Dauphin leads the "Ecorcheurs" 
OUT of France— Battle of St. Jacques — Reform of 
the Army. 

It is after the recovery of Paris in the year 1436 that 
we first find mention of Louis the Dauphin being 
definitely associated with the affairs of the kingdom. 
Already in 1428 his father had begun to look upon him 
as a valuable political asset, for in that year he first 
formed the idea of an alliance with Scotland by the 
marriage of the Dauphin with the daughter of James I 
of Scotland. He appears to have sent over an im- 
portant embassy for that purpose, consisting of the 
Archbishop of Rheims, John Stewart, Darnley Con- 
stable of the Scots in France, and the famous man of 
letters, Alain Chartier. At that time the children were 
both too young for more than a betrothal to take place, 
but decisive arrangements were made for the future. 

At this point it is very interesting to trace the strong 
friendship which had so long existed between France 
and Scotland, and which was founded to a great extent 
on their mutual jealousy and hatred of England. James I 
had just cause to rue it, for he was being sent to be 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

educated in France in the year 1405, that he might 
escape the fate of his elder brother, starved to death 
by his uncle Albany, when he fell into the hands of 
Henry IV. Accompanied by some Scotch noblemen, 
the young Prince had set sail from the Bass Rock at the 
mouth of the Frith of Forth, and meeting with rough 
weather, was driven on the English coast. Although 
at the time there was a truce between the two countries, 
James was taken by some Norfolk sailors, who brought 
their prize to the English King. The Scottish lad had 
been provided by his father with letters to King Henry 
to be used in case of his landing in England, but these 
were of no service to him. Henry IV sarcastically re- 
marked that if the Scots had been friendly they would 
have sent the boy to him for his education, as he knew 
the French language quite as well as Charles VI of 
France. 

The news of this disaster was fatal to his father, 
Robert III, and the government of Scotland now fell 
into the hands of the Duke of Albany, who was by 
no means anxious for the release of his nephew, and 
James remained for many years a captive in England. 
He received an excellent education, and spent many of 
his long hours of leisure in writing verse of much 
charm and interest, such as the " King's Qhuair," a love 
poem addressed to the Lady Jane, his future bride. 
There is also preserved a poem of his in lighter vein, 
"Christ's Kirk on the Green." 

In the year 142 1, after sixteen years of captivity, 
Henry V took the Scottish King with him to France, 
having made a private treaty that in return for help in 
his campaign he would give him his freedom. James 
was required to use his authority in forbidding the 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Scots in France from fighting against the English, but 
they would not listen to a captive sovereign. He took 
part in the siege of Dreux, which surrendered to him. 
Henry V died at Vincennes before he could fulfil his 
promise, but some years later, in 1423, when the am- 
bitious Duke of Albany had also passed away, James 
was at length set free after an unjust imprisonment of 
eighteen years. He was to agree to a treaty by which 
the kings of England and Scotland were forbidden to 
take part with the enemies of each other ; and had to pay 
a ransom of ^40,000. In order the more strongly to 
cement the friendship with England, he was suffered 
to marry the Lady Jane Beaufort, sister of the Duke of 
Somerset and a cousin germain of his own, through 
their common descent from John of Gaunt. He had 
already formed a romantic attachment for this lady, and 
a pretty story is told of his falling in love with the fair 
damsel, seen by chance from his prison window in the 
keep of Windsor. Some of the poet-king's most 
charming lyrics are written in homage to the lady of 
his devotion. Much interest and sympathy were felt 
in England when the wedding of the princely lovers 
took place with great splendour on the nth of 
February, 1423, and the sum of 10,000 marks was 
given as a dower with the Lady Jane, to be deducted 
from the promised ransom. 

The promise of brighter days appeared to be realized 
for awhile, when the King and Queen of Scotland were 
received with acclamation and crowned on May 21, 1423, 
in the land from which he had so long been an exile, 
and within a year their daughter Margaret was born. 
As the destined wife of Louis XI, it is her story which 
most concerns us, and we hear that the little princess 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

was brought up in the cultivated Court of her father 
with the most careful and learned education. When 
she had barely reached the age of twelve, this peaceful 
happy time came to an end, for she had to abide by the 
usual fate of royal ladies in those days. James was 
called upon to fulfil his engagement with the King of 
France, and send his cherished daughter away from 
him for ever, to a foreign land, to be the bride of the 
Dauphin Louis XI, a boy not much older than herself. 

It was in 1436 that poor little Margaret said good-bye 
to her parents and set forth from Dumbarton with a 
gallant escort on her voyage to France. There was 
a truce with England at the time, but the Regent, 
Richard Duke of York, could not resist the temptation 
of sending an expedition to kidnap the young princess. 
However, the captains of the fleet were ever ready to 
do a little piracy on their own account, and when they 
met with some vessels from the Netherlands laden with 
wine, they thought to make sure of their booty on the 
way. But the sea at that moment must have been a 
much frequented highway, for no sooner was the wine 
in possession of the English before a Spanish fleet 
passed by, lost no time in giving battle, and carried off 
the spoil. The Scots bore the Princess Margaret 
safely into the port of La Rochelle pursued by English 
cruisers, but the entrance of the roads was closed in 
time by the help of some Castilian auxiliaries, of the 
embassy of Don Enrique. 

Margaret was received with the usual pomp at Tours 
where she arrived on June 14, and the marriage with 
the Dauphin was celebrated by the Archbishop of 
Rheims in the chapel of the Chateau, on the day of 
Saint John. A shadow was cast over the court by the 

23 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

recent death of the baby-prince Philippe, one of the 
many children of Queen Marie who scarcely survived 
their infancy. Of the young Scotch bride, barely 
twelve years old, Monstrelet tells us that she was 
" une princesse parfaite aux beautes de Tame et du 
corps." 

The marriage between the two children was ap- 
parently a failure. It must always be a great risk to 
bring together in such intimate connection, with no 
choice of their own, two young creatures, absolute 
strangers to each other, aliens in race and training, who 
have been surrounded by greatly different influences 
from their birth, and who do not even speak the same 
language. There are, of course, great historical in- 
stances where such early marriages have been a success, 
as in the case of that most attractive figure of the Italian 
Renaissance, Vittoria Colonna and her young husband 
the Marquess of Pescara. But then, she was one of 
those rare and exquisite creatures who are all compact 
of bright intelligence and tender love and sympathy. 

Gentle and charming as the Princess Margaret is 
represented to us, she may not have been able to con- 
ceal a feeling of contempt for the French boy, who 
certainly cared nothing for the poetry and romance 
which had been the very atmosphere of her life. Louis, 
on his side, had excellent practical common sense, a 
keen knowledge of facts and numbers, and a passionate 
love of warlike pursuits, outdoor games, and, above 
all, of hunting and falconry. To judge from his later 
character, we may without injustice suppose him to 
have been a somewhat unamiable child, cold in dispo- 
sition, obstinately set upon having his own way, violent 
if opposed, of precocious sharpness, and already an 

24 




Photo by Levy et ses fih, Paris 



CHARLES VII, KING OF FRANCE 
After the portrait by Jean Foucquet 



To face p. 24 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

adept in dissimulation, the protective armour of one 
who is in the midst of doubtful friends and secret foes. 
He was indignant at this marriage, forced upon him so 
early, by which his father had asserted control over 
his future life. Yet even on this subject, as with 
everything else which touches upon the character of 
Louis XI, it is extremely difficult to find out the truth. 
Most writers have so strong a parti pris against him 
that, like the villain of a melodrama, his appearance on 
the stage is at once the signal for hisses and execration. 
At every step, therefore, great caution and considera- 
tion is needed in the interest of historical accuracy. 
Commines tells us that " Louis regretted the existence 
of this princess during the whole of her life " ; but then, 
he had no personal knowledge on the subject, and all 
this happened long before his time. On the other 
hand, Andre Duchesne assures us that " Louis had 
much love for the Princess Margaret " ; Legeay calls it 
a " menage fort uni," and Pere Anselme says that the 
Dauphin after her death *' had a strong desire to marry 
one of her sisters." Still we can quite believe that they 
were ill-matched, and had few tastes or sympathies in 
common. The Scotch Princess loved to sit up through 
the long hours of the night writing poetry, while the boy 
Louis, tired with the day's hunting, probably went to 
bed at a very early hour. 

Charles and his son were too different in tempera- 
ment and character to be friends and companions, and 
yet too near in age for the unquestioning obedience of 
the younger to paternal authority, more especially as 
Louis at the age of thirteen would be almost a match in 
intellect for his father at thirty-three. There was always 
a certain rivalry between them which did not conduce 

25 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

to affection. On the other hand, Charles showed from 
the first a strong liking for the gentle Margaret, and it 
is very interesting to find in the royal account book the 
following description of the New Year's gift which he 
bestowed upon her in 1437, the year after her marriage : 
*' A madame la dauphine, le premier jour de I'an, . . . 
un miroir d'or a pie garni de perles dont le roy lui a 
fait present pour ses estrennes." This golden mirror 
adorned with pearls "with feet" was probably of large 
size — a splendid present. To monsieur le dauphin he 
gave, at the same time, six yards of cloth of gold. 

It was only a few months later that Margaret received 
the awful news of her father's cruel murder at Perth in 
the Abbey of the Black Friars, on February 20, 1437. 
This tragedy, one of the blackest in history, must have 
been enough to crush the tender heart of his loving 
daughter, so far away that she had not even the faint 
consolation of being with her bereaved mother in that 
sad hour. Only one ray of light stands out in that 
ghastly story — the heroic devotion of Catherine 
Douglas, who thrust her arm across the door to delay 
the traitors, in place of the bar which had been re- 
moved. 

It was an evil day for Scotland, and a fierce re- 
tribution overtook the rebellious and guilty lords 
before the young brother of Margaret, a boy of six 
years old, was crowned at Holyrood under the title of 
James II. 

We wonder whether, in her deep affliction, the 
poor young Dauphiness found any comfort in the use 
of a "chapelle portative" which Louis had just 
bought, "garnie de chalice d'argent dore, deux buretez, 
une paix d'argent, ung messel, les trois nappes, I'aube, 

26 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

I'amit, la chasuble de drap d'or, I'autel et contre autel 
de mesmez drap d'or," the whole costing 210 livres 
tournois, and for which the receipt is signed by the 
Dauphin's confessor, Jean Majoris, This was certainly 
an unusual purchase for a lad of fourteen. 

It was towards the end of the year 1436 that Louis 
the Dauphin, at the age of thirteen, began to accom- 
pany his father in his travels and wars. The Duke 
of Bedford had died in 1435, and the new Regent, 
Richard Duke of York, although he was appointed 
too late to save Paris to the English, showed great 
activity and retook many towns and castles before 
he was recalled at the end of the year to give place 
to Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. Charles VII 
and his son had plenty of scope for their warlike 
energy in Languedoc, Poitou, and Dauphine, and 
the next year they were present together at the siege 
of Montereau. With the date of 1438 begin the 
extremely interesting letters of Louis, Dauphin — 
" lettres missives" written by him before he became 
king in 1461, of which one hundred and twenty-six 
have been preserved. Besides this, there are one 
hundred other documents of the same period which 
the learned archivist, M. Etienne Charavay, calls 
"Pieces justificatives," and which have been chosen 
by him from a large number as most characteristic 
of the Dauphin's personality. All these will help 
to illustrate fully this most eventful and less-known 
period of his life. 

In 1439 we find the King showing so much con- 
fidence in his young son that he appoints him as 
*' royal and extraordinary commissioner" in Lan- 
guedoc, Poitou, and Saintonge, "pour oster les pil- 

27 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

leries et faire vuidier les gens de guerre qui estoient 
en icellui " (to put an end to the pillaging and turn 
out the men of war who were in those parts). 
Charles VII, in his letters, gives full powers to 
" nostre tres chier et tres ame filz Loys, daulphin de 
Viennois," to put an end to the " pilleries, roberies, 
rebellions et desobeissances, abuz de justice, tors, 
griefz, exactions et autres crimes et malefices commis 
et perpetrez en nosdiz pais. ..." There was, indeed, 
a call for strong measures, as it is almost impossible 
for us to realize the utter misery and fearful con- 
dition of the country so long ravaged and laid deso- 
late by constant war and rapine. France, at this time, 
was overrun by robber bands, '* ecorcheurs," literally 
flayers, brutal wretches who not only waylaid and 
plundered their victims, but actually stripped them of 
their clothes, leaving them almost naked. No rank 
or condition was safe from these marauders, who openly 
defied the Government. 

This appears to have been one development of the 
awful plague of foreign mercenaries, who, when not 
engaged in actual warfare, lived by rapine, pillage, 
and massacre of the hapless peasantry and others. 
We shall have occasion to give fuller details later — 
at the period of Charles VII's master-stroke of policy 
against the " routiers " and ** ecorcheurs." 

We have a full account of all the preparations made 
for this expedition to Languedoc, which marks a most 
important epoch by a new system of reform in the 
administration of the realm. The States - General 
at Orleans were induced, in October, 1439, to vote 
a subsidy of 1,200,000 livres to pay a regular body 
of gendarmerie, thus placing the armed forces of 

28 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

the kingdom under the immediate control of the King. 
This was a stroke of genius of which we cannot over- 
estimate the importance. Amongst minor details it is 
curious to notice in the letters that the Dauphin makes 
large gifts in money to all the important members of 
his company, and that splendid apparel is ordered 
for Louis by his father. We read of " two long robes 
of cloth of gold lined with marten skins, one robe 
of crimson velvet and another of the richest black- 
velvet also lined with marten skins," and of large 
payments made to a merchant of Toulouse for velvet 
and crimson satin, *' destines a confectionner des vete- 
ments pour monseigneur le dauphin." Evidently he 
is to make up by magnificence for the dignity which 
may be wanting to a prince of sixteen. Louis writes 
a very stately and courteous letter to the Seneschal 
of Beaucaire expressing his earnest wish that all 
the nobles of Languedoc may join him in his ex- 
pedition, but at the same time insisting that they are in 
no way to "be forced or constrained to do so." 

Both France and England had grown very weary 
of the long disastrous war, and the young King, 
Henry VI, whose gentle nature made him long for 
peace, was eager to take the advice of Cardinal Beau- 
fort, and as means to this end to set free Charles Duke 
of Orleans, who had been a captive in England ever 
since the battle of Agincourt, 1415. It was hoped that 
he would have much influence at the Court of France 
and might smooth the way for an agreement between 
the two nations. Humphrey Duke of Gloucester 
strongly opposed this measure, and was so indignant 
at being overruled that he abruptly left the council and 
departed in his barge. The Duke of Orleans was 

29 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

required to take oath never to bear arms against Eng- 
land, and he was to pay a ransom of 60,000 crowns, of 
which part was to be excused if he was successful in 
making peace. 

When the Dauphin Louis heard of these negotia- 
tions, he at once generously offered on his honour to 
pay 30,000 " saluts d'or" (equal to French ecus of 
gold, 25 sols tournois) towards this ransom of " nos- 
tre tres chier et tres ame oncle le due d'Orleans, 
prisonnier de Henry, soy disant roy d'Angleterre, 
adversaire de Monseigneur et de nous . . . pour pour- 
chacier sa delivrance. ..." This letter, written in 
December, 1439, is one of the earliest instances of the 
life-long policy of Louis, who, parsimonious to a 
degree in all that concerned his own private expendi- 
ture, showed a princely liberality in all public matters, 
pensions, bribes, etc. 

The story of Charles Duke of Orleans somewhat 
resembles that of James I, but his was a captivity of 
five-and-twenty years since that day of Agincourt when 
he was drawn forth alive from beneath a ghastly heap 
of murdered prisoners. Charles was the son of Louis 
Duke of Orleans, who was stabbed in the streets of 
Paris in November, 1407, by the instigation of Jean 
Duke of Burgundy, a crime which had the terrible 
consequences of a vendetta. His mother was Valentina 
Visconti, the rightful heir of the Visconti family and 
Milan, whose rights, transmitted to the House of 
Orleans, prepared the way for the disastrous interfer- 
ence of foreign princes in Italian politics. She died of 
a broken heart for the loss of a husband who had 
never returned her love. When Charles succeeded to 
his father's title his whole heart was set on revenging 

30 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

that treacherous murder, and he strengthened his party 
by marriage with Bonne, a daughter of the Count of 
Armagnac ; for his young wife, the Princess Isabelle of 
France, was dead. This private feud soon became 
national, and for many years divided the north and 
south of France into hostile factions : the young head 
of the House of Orleans, now fighting by the Gascon's 
side, now making alliances only to break them, but 
ever a menace to the peace of his country throughout 
all his turbulent youth. Then came the disaster of 
Agincourt, and the stirring turmoil of camp and court 
is changed for the peace and solitude of prison life. 
For nearly eight years he must have been prisoner at 
the same time as the young James I, and both of them 
whiled away the long hours of captivity with the 
making of verse. The dreamy sentimental poetry of 
Charles has a certain merit of its own and has found a 
place in the literature of his time. 

But as time passed on and one after another of his 
fellow prisoners was ransomed and went home, he 
became more troubled and restless ; he found the Eng- 
lish climate "prejudicial to the human frame," he dis- 
liked English fruit and beer, and even the fires of coal. 
All his thoughts turned towards freedom, and when the 
chance came to him, it was with all his heart that he 
promised to work for peace if he might once more 
return to his native land. He was received with en- 
thusiasm on his return as the type of all that was most 
chivalrous and patriotic. But there was nothing heroic 
about this middle-aged man who came back as the 
avowed friend of Philip of Burgundy, and expected to 
take up his life again where it was broken off twenty- 
five years before, with all its princely pomp and dis- 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

play. Only a fortnight after his arrival he was married 
at St. Omer to Mary of Cleves, a young princess barely 
fifteen years old, of no great personal attraction. After 
the usual gorgeous entertainments and feasting, the 
Duke^ and Duchess travelled on through Ghent and 
Tournay, while all the towns through which he passed 
gave him offerings of money towards the payment of 
his ransom, and people thronged to his service as 
though he had been the King of France. Followed by 
a troop of Burgundian nobles he went to Paris, where 
King Charles VII offered to receive him with a smaller 
retinue, at which the Duke took offence and retreated 
through Touraine, where he was warmly welcomed, to 
his castle at Blois. 

Here we may leave him for a while to his life of 
courtly ease and pleasure, in the midst of a gay com- 
pany who listened to his verses, played chess and other 
aristocratic games, went hunting and hawking, and 
made the pursuit of pleasure a serious study. He was 
fond of travelling, and would occasionally make a 
stately progress to visit King Rene of Provence at 
Tarascon, or to the King of France when some great 
tournament was going on. On these occasions the 
Duchess Marie and the Dauphine Margaret would find 
much in common, and lend each other romances, but 
their brief friendship was severed in 1445 by the death 
of Margaret. It was not until many years later that 
there was born to Marie of Cleves, Duchess of Orleans, 
the little son who later succeeded to the throne of 
France under the title of Louis XII. 

We must now return to the year 1440, when Louis 
the Dauphin, after successfully carrying out the King's 
commission in Languedoc, lost his head and most un- 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

wisely consented to head the rebellion against the 
throne, called the " Praguerie." It was a combination 
of the great nobles, the Dukes of Bourbon and Alen9on, 
the Counts of Dunois and Vendome and others, and 
the chief leaders of the ''routiers," such as Antoine 
and Jacques de Chabannes, Jean Sangliers, and Jean 
de la Roche. Their chief cause of complaint was the 
King's levy of the Gendarmerie which was abso- 
lutely under his command, and left both the feudal 
lords and the mercenaries out in the cold. But Charles 
had on his side the whole of the bourgeoisie and 
the peasants, and the revolt was soon crushed. Louis 
hastened to make due submission, and we find that in 
1440 the county of Dauphine is assigned to him, and 
he sends his chamberlain and maitre d^ hotel to take 
possession of it. He shows his practical talent for 
business by at once making the most minute inquiries 
with regard to the money and coinage of Dauphine ; 
there are several letters of his on the subject, evidently 
understanding all about the " monnaie royale et 
monnaie delphinale," 

The next mission of the Dauphin appears to us most 
amazing and almost incredible, for it was nothing less 
than to '' debarrasser la France des grandes com- 
pagnies, en les emmenant guerroyer contre les Suisses 
..." The Dauphin was to rid France of these ''grandes 
compagnies," the immense companies of mercenary 
ruffians who, when not actually fighting for pay, 
ravaged and destroyed the land which harboui;ed them. 
The curious point was the way in which this was done, 
for they were to be gathered together into one army 
and led away out of France to fight against the Swiss 
and thus if possible to be destroyed, or in any case to 

D 33 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

be left behind ! A desperate remedy indeed for an 
intolerable state of things. 

All the chronicles of the period are full of the horrors 
committed on defenceless people by these lawless 
bands ; they were beyond all restraint, and the only 
answer made to the most pitiable complaint was : " II 
faut qu'ils vivent." A few instances may give a faint 
idea of the misery endured. In the Journal dhm 
Bourgeois de Paris we have under the date of 1423 : 
" Item. Vint ung grant compagnie de larrons qui se 
disaient Arminaz ou de la bande, ausquels rien, s'il 
n'estoit trop chaulx ou trop pesant, ne leur eschap- 
poit, et qui pis est, tuoient, boutoient feu, efforcoient 
femmes et filles, pendoient, s'ils ne payoient ran9on 
a leur guise, ne marchandise nulle par la ne pouvoit 
eschapper. ..." 

(There came a great company of robbers who called 
themselves Armagnacs, or "of the band," from whom 
nothing, unless it was too hot or too heavy, escaped, 
and what is worse, they killed, set fire, ill-used women 
and girls, hung those who would not pay ransom to 
their fancy. No merchandise could escape.) 

Thus was the land made desolate, houses burnt, 
cattle and every living creature carried away, the corn 
cut, everything destroyed, and the wretched survivors 
driven to take refuge in the towns and beg at the church 
doors. Can we wonder that the next entry in that 
Journal is the following? : 

" Item. 1423. En ce temps venoienta Paris les loups 
touttes les nuits, et en prenoit-on souvent trois ou 
quatre a ungne fois, et estoient portez parmy Paris 
pendus par les pies de derriere, et leur donnoit-on de 
I'argent grant foison (a ceux qui les avoient pris)." 

34 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

(At that time the wolves came to Paris every night, 
and three or four were often taken at one time, and 
were carried through Paris hung by their hind feet, 
and much money was given to those who had taken 
them.) 

No class was exempt from the depredations of the 
"routiers." We find a certain Jaquin de Nicey, 
"escuier," of Longeance, complain that his house and 
estate had been ravaged, "despouillee sa femme toute 
nue par deux fois," all his goods, furniture, cattle, etc., 
carried away. Poor widows complained that after their 
husbands had been ransomed, they were murdered. 
We find another pathetic deposition of a poor man. 

''Item. Ledit Jacquemin adit et jurey que les routiers 
emmenererent ung sien fils en I'eage de X ans, onques 
plus ne le vit, et non puet oir nouvelles, et le voiroit 
bien ravoir pour la somme de XL florins. . . ." 

(The said Jaquemin has said and sworn that the 
** routiers" carried away his own son of the age of ten 
years, and he has never seen him since and can hear 
no news of him, and would desire indeed to have him 
back if he gave the sum of forty florins. . . .) 

Little children were constantly taken away and held 
to ransom for some amount far beyond their parents' 
means. Villages were burnt, churches robbed and 
destroyed, at fairs and markets every one was pillaged. 

As time passed, matters grew worse, and when the 
marriage of Henry VI, King of England, and Mar- 
guerite of Anjou was in contemplation, a truce was 
made for eighteen months, the army of adventurers 
was left unemployed, and the country was in a desperate 
extremity. We gain some idea of this from ih^ Journal 
d'un Bourgeois : — 

35 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

''Item. 1444. A I'entree de Juillet vint une grande 
compagnie de larrons et de murdriers qui se logerent 
es villaiges qui sont au tour de Paris . . . nul homme 
n'osoit aller aux champs, ne venir a Paris, ne osoit 
cuillir aux champs quelque chose que ce fust . . . 
nulle beste prinse, fust asne, vache ou pourcel, qui ne 
fust plus ran9onne qu'il ne valloit . . . ne homme de 
quelque estat qu'il fust, fust moyne, prestre ne religieux 
. . . fust menestrel, fust herault, fust fern me ou enfant 
de quelque eage, que s'il yssoit (sortait) de Paris qui ne 
fust en grand peril de sa vie, mais se on ne luy ostait 
sa vie, il estoit despouille tout n^, tous sans ung seul 
exceptez. ..." 

(At the beginning of July there came a great company 
of robbers and murderers, who lodged in the villages 
round Paris ... no man dared go to the fields, nor 
come to Paris, nor dared gather anything in the fields 
... no beast was taken, be it ass, nor cow nor pig, 
which was not put to ransom for more than it was 
worth . . . nor man of what condition he might be, 
monk or priest or friar . . . were he minstrel, herald, 
or woman, or child of any age, who if he went out 
of Paris was not in great peril of his life, and even 
if he did not lose his life he was stripped naked, 
etc. . . .) 

The time had come when it was a matter of life and 
death to set the land free from these " ecorcheurs." The 
Dauphin had already shown his mettle by leading an 
army of them in August, 1443, to raise the siege of 
Dieppe, which was attacked by Lord Talbot. But now 
a far more difficult task was before him, as he received 
a royal mandate bidding him collect and master all 
these undisciplined soldiers from the open country, and 

36 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

a certain number of those in garrisons, and lead them 
forth on a great expedition out of the country. It so 
happened that the House of Austria had begged for 
help in a war against the Swiss, and Charles VII 
eagerly seized the occasion to carry out his desperate 
undertaking. 

While getting rid of these redoubtable companies 
who troubled the peace of France, the King gave 
scope to the feverish activity of his son; " cet esprit 
remnant qui le poussait volontiers a se jeter dans les 
aventures." In fact, the perilous expedition suited him 
exactly. 

Charles VII sent orders everywhere that if the 
" routiers " who made part of the Dauphin's army left 
him or went astray, they were to be punished with ex- 
emplary rigour. We are amazed to find that he scarcely 
hid his purpose. In writing to the inhabitants of 
Rheims, he spoke of sending away the men of war so 
that they might no more return to our land ... to 
purge the soil of France without exposing to massacre 
those who might seek to drive them out." 

At length the great army of gens terribles^ ce grand 
troiipeau de voleurs, set forth, in number about 30,000 
at a rough estimate, including a number of hangers-on 
and ca^mp-followers of the vilest kind. All countries 
were represented, and each company was led by its 
own captain — French, Lombard, Gascon, Breton, 
English, Scotch, Spanish, etc. — and the Dauphin Louis, 
a lad of twenty-one, was at the head, with a suite of 
nobles round him. The passage of this devouring 
multitude was a fearful experience for those eastern 
provinces, and we cannot wonder that it spread dismay 
and terror on every side. Philip Duke of Burgundy 

37 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

made haste to send Louis a present of fifteen queues ^ of 
the best wine to conciliate him. Frederick III of 
Austria inquired why so great an army of barbarians 
had come. He began to dread his allies more than his 
enemies. 

The mighty horde reached the neighbourhood of 
Basel, and there, almost within sight of the fathers of 
Christendom who were holding a council, was fought 
the great battle of Saint Jacques, on the 26th August, 
1444. A handful of Swiss fought with heroic courage, 
until overwhelmed by numbers, on the banks of the 
river Birse, and never were men known to sell their lives 
so dearly. We are told that some of the conquering 
host sought refuge that evening at the castle of Jean de 
Thierstein, and the warder asked what they wanted so 
late. '' Nous avons lutte et combattu tout ce jour!" 
replied the trumpeter. " Qui est vaincu ? " was shouted 
from the battlements. " Les Suisses sont defaits," was 
the answer. " Combien des votres sont morts?" 
"Jusqu'a quatre mille," was the trumpeter's estimate. 

Where was the Dauphin? has been one of the con- 
tested points of history. But we have clear evidence 
that Louis went to the Chateau of Waltighoffen 
on the Sunday before the battle and remained there 
until the Thursday after. Two friars went to him 
there from Basel imploring pity for the city. Indeed, 
deputations arrived from all quarters, and he was able 
to make his own terms, so great was the alarm inspired 
by this terrible invasion. But the fighting continued, 
and at the siege of Dambach, the Prince was wounded 
in the knee by an arrow, and had to be carried from 
thence to Chatenois and afterwards to Ensisheim 

1 Queue, a muid and half a muid of corn, fifty bushels. 
38 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

(Haut Rhin). Charles VII appears to have felt much 
anxiety about his son, as we gather from numerous 
letters. 

** Le Roi de France informede cet accident en eprouva 
un tel vif chagrin, il ne put des lors gouter un instant 
de repos et fut en proie a des angoisses continuelles, 
croyant son fils deja mort. II lui envoya messages sur 
messages, lettres sur lettres, le pressant de revenir sans 
delai aupres de sa personne, si les jours de son pere lui 
etaient chers, parceque ce pere ne ressentirait de joie 
que lorsqu'il pourrait se rencontrer face de face avec 
son fils." 

The Dauphin concluded a treaty with the Swiss on 
the 28th of October, while still at Ensisheim, and it was 
from this town that he wrote a most indignant letter to 
the councillors of Burgundy, He complained that 
after leaving Montebliard, the garrisons of Langres 
and Lure not "only closed their gates and refused 
to admit him and his followers, but left them outside 
in the fields in danger and would sell them no 
provisions for gold or silver, to his great discontent." 
It was not until almost the end of the year that he 
returned to his father, taking only an escort of two 
thousand horsemen, while the rest of the army was left 
in winter quarters, provided with food and lodging 
at the expense of the unfortunate people of Alsace. 
All the cities of the Empire were naturally up in arms 
against the "routiers," and horrified at the departure 
of the Dauphin whose authority had kept them some- 
what in order. 

During the winter there were serious negotiations 
between France and the Empire with regard to the 
evacuation of Alsace, which was treated like a con- 

39 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

quered country. The audacity of the captains left at 
Ensisheim actually went so far that they put up the city 
for auction ! At length the down-trodden people appear 
to have risen in despair against their devouring foes. 
Five hundred determined volunteers awaited the pass- 
age of an army through the Val de Liepvre by a 
narrow pass where two cavaliers could hardly go 
abreast. They remained in ambush until the critical 
moment and then rushing forth won a great victory, 
the *' routiers " being almost entirely destroyed. An im- 
mense quantity of plunder was taken : a quantity of 
precious plate and articles of value, 60,000 florins, 
1416 fine horses, and other booty. This happened on 
March 18, 1445, and so great a success encouraged 
others to follow the example. Scattered bands of the 
invaders were attacked and cut in pieces, so that 
we are told by the end of April Alsace was free. The 
public records of the time contain a long list of remis- 
sions or pardons for people who by one means or 
another had got rid of the *'ecorcheurs." So this amaz- 
ing adventure came to an end. In the following year, on 
July 17, 1445, Louis writes to " his very dear and well- 
beloved churchmen, bourgeois, and inhabitants of the 
town of Senlis" to ask for their contributions towards 
the expense of this undertaking. 

" De par le daulphin de Viennois, 

" Tres chiers et bien ames, vous savez assez 
comment par le bon plaisir et voulente de Monseigneur 
en la saison passee avons fait widier et mettre hors de 
ce royaume en grant danger de notre personne tons les 
capitaines, routiers et autres gens de guerre espandus 
en icellui a la foule et totale destruction des pays de 

40 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

mondit seigneur, et iceulx menez et fait vivre par 
longue saison ou pais delemaigne a ce que les pilleries 
poussent cesser et le povre peuple et subgiez de mondit 
seigneur demourer et vivre seurement. . . ." 

(Very dear and well-beloved, you know how, by the 
good pleasure and will of Monseigneur [the King], 
during the past season we have cleared and put out of 
the kingdom, to the great danger of our person, all the 
captains, " routiers," and other men of war spread 
about here to the . . . and total destruction of the 
lands of my aforesaid seigneur, and have led them out 
and caused them to live for a long season in the 
country of Germany in order that the robberies may 
cease and the poor people and subjects of my aforesaid 
seigneur may abide and live safely. . . .") 

He then continues to explain how very expensive 
this has been, and asks for a grant of what money the 
town can afford. 

This letter was at once read at a public meeting in 
the Hotel de Ville of Senlis. After this letter had been 
written in the registers, this was added : "It has been 
concluded that for the great love and affection which 
the town bears to Monseigneur the Dauphin . . . the 
town gave him the sum of HIP'' livres tournois, to be 
paid at the Saint Martin this coming winter." 

Most of the ''ecorcheurs" being thus got rid of in this 
extraordinary and certainly, as Louis says, dangerous 
way, Charles was free to carry out his scheme of re- 
form. The French army was reduced to fifteen com- 
panies of one hundred lances, each lance including the 
man-at-arms, his page, three archers and one coutillier 
(retainer of lower rank), all mounted. A few years 
later the French infantry was thus created. Every 

41 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

parish in the kingdom was required to provide a foot 
soldier well armed and accoutred, who was to be 
trained every fete-day, and was to serve the King when 
needful, at the pay of four francs a month when on 
duty. These sixteen thousand men were called " francs 
archers," and although at first they were much laughed 
at by satirists like the poet Villon, before many years 
they distinguished themselves on all the battlefields of 
the Continent. 

It is interesting to know that some of the best of the 
old routiers who had been left in France on garrison 
work, were very anxious to join the King's compagnies 
cTordonnaiice, and they proved most valuable soldiers 
under strict discipline. 



42 



CHAPTER III 

LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 
1445-61 

Marguerite of Anjou Marries Henry VI — Death of 
Margaret la Dauphine— Queen Marie and Agnes 
Sorel— Departure of the Dauphin from Court — 
His Life in DauphiniS— His Marriage with Char- 
lotte OF Savoy— Jacques Cceur— Louis Retires to 
Burgundy— His Life at Genappe. 

The young King of England, Henry VI, who had 
chiefly received his political education from his uncle, 
Cardinal Beaufort, was of a gentle and pious disposi- 
tion, with an ardent desire for peace. He was quite 
ready to listen to the suggestion of one of his advisers, 
William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, who urged upon 
him a marriage with Marguerite, the daughter of Rene 
of Anjou, as a means towards putting an end to the 
long war with France. On the other hand, the Duke of 
Gloucester had for some time been plotting to marry his 
royal nephew to one of the three daughters of the Count 
of Armagnac, and there are curious letters extant which 
show that a painter was employed by Henry to take 
portraits of the young ladies who were to be " painted 
in their kirtles simple, and their visages like as you 
see ; and their stature and their beauty, the colour of 
their skin and their countenances." 

43 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

But the artist appears to have proceeded in a leisurely 
way, and meantime Suffolk obtained a portrait of 
Marguerite, which gave such a fair image of her 
charms that the young King was delighted with it. 
But the strongest motive which decided him in favour 
of Rene's daughter was the same as that which induced 
him to set free the Duke of Orleans. She was a 
favourite niece of the wife of Charles VII, Marie of 
Anjou, and in those days, when alliances were looked 
upon as all-powerful, Henry believed that this would 
be the surest road to a permanent peace with France. 
The Earl of Suffolk was sent as ambassador to France 
that he might enter into negotiations, and he first met 
Charles Duke of Orleans at Tours, with whom he 
arranged a truce of two years to begin with. Suffolk 
had a difficult task, as the first condition of Rene, 
titular King of Naples and Jerusalem, was that the 
provinces of Anjou and Maine, "his hereditary do- 
minions," which were partly in possession of the English, 
should be at once given up to him. This demand 
was supported by the King of France, and after some 
demur yielded by Henry and his council, while, in con- 
sideration of King Rene's poverty, neither money nor 
lands were to be demanded as dowry for his daughter. 
As might be expected, this marriage treaty was most 
unpopular in England, and there was strong opposition 
from the Duke of Gloucester and his party, but the 
young King had his way, and appointed Suffolk to act 
as proxy for him, writing thus — : 

"As you have lately, by the Divine favour and 
grace, in our name and for us, engaged verbally the 
excellent, magnificent, and very bright Margaretta, the 
serene daughter of the King of Sicily, and sworn that 

44 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

we shall contract matrimony with her, we consent and 
will that she be conducted to us over seas, from her 
country and friends, at our expense." 

The marriage by proxy was a splendid ceremonial and 
was solemnized at Nancy in the church of St. Martin 
early in the year 1445, before a most distinguished 
company. King Rene, his wife, Isabelle of Lorraine, 
the King and Queen of France, and the Dauphiness 
Margaret, the Dukes of Bretagne, Alen9on, and other 
great nobles, were amongst the wedding party. The 
bridal festivities lasted eight days. It is pleasant to 
know that Margaret of Scotland shone amidst the other 
fair ladies, and that she took her part in the entertain- 
ments. We are especially told that she distinguished 
herself in a certain stately '* basse danse de Bourgogne, 
a figures varices, avec des pas simples, doubles, recules, 
etc.," of which the curious notation has been recently 
found. It was rather like the more recent * ' contredanse. " 
There were stately tournaments in which the knights 
wore garlands of daisies in honour of Marguerite, the 
fair young bride of fifteen. When the time came for 
her sad parting with her family, Charles VII himself 
conducted her on her way for two leagues out of Nancy, 
and took leave of his niece with great affection. Her 
eldest brother, John Duke of Calabria, and the Duke 
of Alen9on accompanied her to England, a long and 
tedious journey of which there is a quaint record in the 
^^Breknote Computus " The young Queen reached Pon- 
toise on March 18, on the next day she went to sup with 
the Duke of York at Mantes, then to Vernon, where 
she slept, reaching Rouen on the 23rd, then to various 
other places till she reached the port of " Kiddecaws," 
whence she and her suite crossed to Porchester, arriv- 

45 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

ing in a terrible storm. She slept in a convent at 
Portsmouth, and the next day, April loth, was rowed to 
Southampton in great state. Here the poor girl fell ill, 
but had sufficiently recovered to be married to King 
Henry VI in person before the end of April, when 
amongst other wedding presents she received a young 
lion, a very expensive and awkward pet. 

Marguerite had a splendid reception on her progress 
through London, the people wearing her emblem as 
they crowded to welcome her on her road to West- 
minster, where she was crowned with great mag- 
nificence. 

Of either sex, who doth not now delight 
To wear the daisy for Queen Marguerite ? 

says the poet Drayton. We shall meet the hapless 
Queen of Henry VI again in very different circum- 
stances. 

For a while no one ventured to speak openly against 
the King's marriage, but the terms on which it had 
been completed caused deep and growing discontent, 
and a day of reckoning was not far off. Although 
England had given up two rich and important provinces, 
the keys of Normandy, to a kinsman of the King of 
France, only truces were made from time to time, and 
difficulties always arose about a final peace, for which 
Charles VII was by no means anxious while the 
English retained any possessions on French soil. 

At the time when the city of London rang with 
festive rejoicing for the wedding of Marguerite of 
Anjou, there were great entertainments at the French 
Court, which had moved to Chalons-sur-Marne. " L'an 
mil IIIPXLV la sepmaine devant I'Ascension la royne 
de France, seur du roy de Cecile (Rene of Anjou) . . . 

46 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

mons'" le dalphin, son filz, et madame la dalphine, sa 
femme, fille du roy d'Escosse, et mons" le due de 
Calabre " arrived in the town of Chalons, and the first 
day of June, the King our Lord, the King of Sicily 
above-mentioned, " messire Charles of Anjou," and 
a long list of noblemen, bishops, great statesmen, and 
ambassadors from many lands, all arrived in great state 
at Chalons. There also came Isabelle of Portugal, 
Duchess of Burgundy, wife of Philip the Good, accom- 
panied by several noble lords of her country. " Et la 
furent faictes grandes, honorables et sumptueuses 
joustes ou marchie, a lices, et apres a grant peine fut 
faicte pais et accort entre le roy et mondict sieur de 
Bourgoingne et aussy entre ledict roy de Cecile et 
I'edict de Bourgoigne." 

" Et demoura le roy tant audict Chaalons comme a 
Sarrey jusques au mardi XVI P jour d'aoust ensuivant, 
et se party soudainement comme dolant, courouce et 
trouble pour le trespassement de madicte dame la 
dalfine, qui avoit este trespassee audict Chaalons le 
lundi precedent environ XI heures devant minuit, et 
fut enterree a Saint Estene et fait son service et donnee 
a chascun povre de X deniers tournois. . . . 

" Durant la maladis de madicte dame la dalphine on 
fit cesser le sonner a toutes les eglises de Chaalons par 
I'espace devant huit jours." 

(And there were made great, honourable, and sump- 
tuous jousts and tournaments in the lists, and after- 
wards with much trouble there was peace and ac- 
cord made between the King and my said Lord of 
Burgundy, and also between the said King of Sicily 
and the said Duke of Burgundy. And the King 
remained as much at the said Chalons as at Sarrey 

47 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

until Tuesday the 17th day of August following, 
when he left suddenly, sorrowing, distressed, and 
troubled by the death of my said lady the Dauphiness, 
who had died at the said Chalons on the preceding 
Monday at about eleven o'clock, before midnight, and 
was buried at Saint Estene, and the service performed, 
and there was given to each poor person ten *' deniers " 
[farthings] tournois. . . . During the illness of my 
said Lady the Dauphiness they ceased ringing the bells 
of the churches in Chalons for the space of eight 
days.) 

We see that this courtly gathering at Chalons was 
for the purpose of making peace between Charles VII 
and Philip Duke of Burgundy, and also between the 
Duke and his old enemy and former prisoner, Rene of 
Anjou. That explains the presence of the Duchess of 
Burgundy and the tournaments and feasting. It was 
indeed a sad end of all this merry-making when the 
gentle Margaret of Scotland was taken ill and passed 
away after a very short illness, as the church bells were 
only silent for a week. We are told that she went for 
a pilgrimage on the 7th of August with the King to 
Notre Dame de I'Epine, and being overheated she 
caught a chill, which on her return to Sarrey brought 
on inflammation of the lungs. She had always been 
physically delicate and frail, and had been sorely 
troubled of late by the perfectly unfounded calumny 
of a certain Jamet du Tillay. From her last words she 
would seem to have been weary of life. *' Fi de la vie 
de ce monde ; ne m'en parlez plus!" Scarcely nine 
years had passed since she came as a bride from her 
pleasant home in Scotland, to pine away unloved and 
desolate in the cold uncongenial atmosphere of the 

48 




MARGARET OF SCOTLAND, WIFE OF LOUIS XI 
From an old engraving by Picart 



To face p. 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

French Court. History gives us many glimpses of her 
short married life. We know that Louis never cared 
for her, that she sought the pastime of other im- 
prisoned souls, and devoted her time to the writing of 
poetry, sometimes composing as many as eight or ten 
rondels in a day. 

Every one knows the romantic tradition that 
Margaret of Scotland, passing through the great hall 
of the palace, saw the aged poet Alain Chartier asleep 
and bent to kiss him. " Je n'ai pas baise I'homme, 
mais la precieuse bouche de laquelle sont issus et 
sortis tant de bons mots et vertueuses sentences." 
So she expressed her hero worship to her wondering 
ladies. 

The Princess Margaret cannot have had long warn- 
ing of her fatal illness, as there is a letter from her 
written on the 2nd July, only six weeks before her 
death, in which she acknowledges the receipt from 
the King, through his banker (argentier) Jacques 
Coeur, of 2000 livres tournois, to buy cloth of 
silk and marten skins ''pour faire robes pour notre 
personne." Charles VII appears to have always 
treated her with kindness and generosity. In the 
household accounts of "feue la Dauphine," there is 
a pathetic touch in the item that on the 19th of August, 
three days after her death, twenty-four members of her 
household travelled to Tournay to meet her two 
sisters, " mesdames Jeanne et Helienor d'Ecosse," who 
had in their escort " le sire de Gray, maistre Thomas 
Spens, archidiacre de Saint-Johnston audit pays 
d'Ecosse." 

On landing in France these poor girls learnt at 
the same time the death of their sister, the Dauphine, 
E 49 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

and of their mother. Charles VII received them with 
much kindness and subsequently found husbands for 
them. The eldest, Eleanor, was married in 1448 to 
Sigismund of Austria, previously betrothed to Madame 
Radegonde of France, who died. Jane had a Scotch 
lord for her husband. Another sister, Isabel, married 
Fran9ois de Montfort, afterwards Duke of Brittany. 

On the 20th of October the same year, Jean Marjoris, 
confessor of the Dauphin, receives from him the sum 
of 400 gold crowns to distribute to the Abbays of 
St. Antoine de Viennois, St. Eutrope de Saintes, and 
St. Fiacre, doubtless for Masses for the repose of the 
soul of the Princess Margaret. So she passes out of 
his life, but it was an evil day for Louis, as there is no 
doubt that her gentle influence did much to smooth 
over the constant differences between him and his 
father. Only the next year we find the Dauphin's rest- 
less spirit engaging in all kinds of independent action. 
He corresponds with the Venetians, to whom he proudly 
announces that he has been appointed gonfalonier of 
the Church by Pope Eugenius IV, he helps to start a 
new convent for Sister Colette at the request of the 
Duchess of Burgundy, and he carries on negotiations 
for the exchange and sale of territory with the Duke 
of Savoy. At length matters become so strained be- 
tween himself and the King that, in a mood of discon- 
tent and rebellion, Louis retires into his own domain of 
Dauphine, there to play the part of an independent 
monarch. 

Some historians say that the final breach was caused 
by his behaving with scant courtesy to Agnes Sorel, 
who was at this time — the year 1446 — in high favour 
with Charles VII and held a far more magnificent 

50 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

Court than the Queen, Marie of Anjou, the Dauphin's 
neglected mother. The poor lady had never been of 
much account ; indeed, Commines, who always speaks 
well of the Queen, remarks in his memoirs that ''al- 
though an excellent princess in other respects, she was 
not a person in whom a man could take any great 
delight." 

Marie was a gentle, affectionate creature, devoted 
from childhood to her husband, ready to submit to him 
in everything with the patience of a Griselda. She 
had thirteen children, who must have taken up much of 
her time and interest, although only six of them lived 
to grow up. 

These were Louis the Dauphin, Catherine, the young 
bride of Charles of Burgundy, who died at Brussels in 
July of this year (1446) at the age of seventeen, Jeanne, 
who married later Jean Duke of Bourbon, Yolande, 
who became the wife of Amedee IX, Duke of Savoy, 
Madeleine, born in 1443, who was destined to marry 
Gaston de Foix, and Charles, the youngest son, who 
was not born till 1449. 

During the lifetime of her mother, Yolande of 
Aragon, the Queen Marie was treated with certain 
outward respect, and Charles did not ostentatiously 
parade his infidelity to her. Yolande always had great 
influence over him, and when on November 14, 1442, 
she died in poverty, having spent all her estates and 
treasure for the kings of France and Sicily, Charles VII 
thus expressed his gratitude to her: " Feue de bonne 
memoire Yolande, en son vivant reine de Jerusalem et 
de Sicile, mere de nostre tres chere et tres amee com- 
pagne la Roine . . . nous ait en nostre jeune aage 
faict plusieurs grands plaisirs et services en maintes 

51 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

manieres, que nous avons et devons avoir en per- 
petuelle memoire . . . laquelle nostredicte bonne mere, 
apres que fusmes deboutez de nostre ville de Paris, 
nous re9ut liberalement en ses pais d'Anjou et du 
Maine et nous donna plusieurs avis, aydes, secours et 
services, tant de ses biens, gens et forteresses, pour 
resister aux entreprises de noz ennemis et adversaires 
les Anglois, que autres. . . ." 

(The late Yolande of good memory, in her lifetime 
Queen of Jerusalem and of Sicily, mother of our very 
dear and much beloved companion the Queen . . . who 
in our youth rendered to us great pleasures and services 
in many ways, whom we have and should have in 
perpetual memory . . . the aforesaid our good mother, 
after we were turned out of Paris, received us liberally 
in her lands of Anjou and Maine, and gave us much 
advice, help, succour, and service, alike of her goods, 
her people, and her fortresses, to resist the enterprises 
of our enemies and adversaries the English, and 
others. . . .) 

After the death of this noble, generous, and high- 
spirited woman, poor Marie was indeed of little account, 
although her fickle husband appears to have treated 
her with a sort of easy kindness. He gave her the 
Chateau of Melun as a place of retreat when "la belle 
Agnes " was in the height of her short-lived magnifi- 
cence and prosperity. But the gentle Queen appears 
to have preferred the Manoir of Corbeil, where she 
spent most of her time after the departure of the 
Dauphin, to whom she always gave the greatest share 
of her tendresse de mere. 

Agnes Sorel has been such a favourite subject of 
romantic interest — the Nell Gwynne of France she has 

52 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

been called — that we cannot pass on without a brief 
allusion to the story of her life. She was born at 
Fromenteau, in Touraine, and we first hear of her as 
one of the ladies of Yolande of Aragon, from whom 
she passed to the Court of Isabelle of Lorraine, wife 
of King Rene. In the year 1444 she still figures in 
the household accounts of Isabelle as receiving a salary 
often livres, although before that time she was in attend- 
ance upon the French Queen Marie. The Journal d'un 
Bourgeois de Paris thus mentions her: ''Item. The 
last week of April there came to Paris a damoiselle 
of whom it is said that she is publicly loved by the 
King of France, ' sans foy et sans loy et sans verite ' to 
the good Queen whom he had married, and it is quite 
apparent that she holds as great state as a countess 
or a duchess . . . and the King has given her the 
most beautiful castle, that of Beaute, the finest and best 
situated in all the Isle de France ; and she calls herself 
and is named 'la belle Agnes. . . .'" Beaute sur 
Marne, near the Bois de Vincennes, had been a royal 
residence. It was an excellent centre for hunting, the 
fashionable amusement of the period, and we find 
allusions to it in the letters of Agnes, who writes 
that " her levrier Carpet is not to hunt with her, as he 
will obey neither whistle nor call." 

In after years her memory was very popular in 
France, as her influence was believed to have made 
a victorious hero of Charles VII. Francis I wrote the 
following quatrain on her : — 

Gentille Agniz, plus de los tu m^rite 
La cause etant de France recouvrer, 
Que tout ce que en cloifere peut ouvrer 
Close nonaiu ni en desert hermite. 

S3 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

We have no space to enter into the details of her life 
or the story of her four daugliters. She died in piety 
and penitence at Mesnil in 1450, and we will take leave 
of her with the touching epitaph on her tomb at 
Jumieges : " Ci-gist Agnes Surelle, noble damoiselle, 
en son vivant dame de Roque-ferriere, de Beaute, 
d'Issoudun et de Vernon-sur-Seine ; piteuse entres 
toutes gens ; qui de ses biens donnoit largement aux 
eglises et aux pauvres ; qui trepassa le 9 Fevrier I'an 
1450. Priez pour elle." 

It is worthy of remark that as soon as Louis XI came 
to the throne, the canons of Loches, in order to pay 
court to the King, prayed him to remove the monument 
of their benefactress, Agnes Sorel. " J'y consens, mais 
vous rendrez ce que vous tenez d'elle," was the calm 
reply. They insisted no more. 

At the time of the breach between the father and son, 
which led to the Dauphin's departure for Dauphine, 
Dammartin and Pierre de Breze were the trusted 
counsellors of Charles VII. They assured him that 
Louis had formed a plot against him, and a chronicle 
of the time relates that when his son had indignantly 
denied the accusation, the King exclaimed: " Loys, 
Saint Jehan ! je ne vous crois pas ! Loys, je vous ban- 
nis pour quatre mois de mon royaulme et vous en allez 
en Dauphine ! " In any case, the Dauphin retired to his 
appanage, and they parted never to meet again. 
Neither the threats nor the entreaties of his father in 
after years could persuade Louis again to appear at 
Court, for the King refused to banish the ministers who 
were looked upon by the heir to the throne as his 
malignant and dangerous foes. 

This alone would tend to make him a centre of dis- 

54 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

affection, and amongst other somewhat unwise friend- 
ships of the Dauphin, he was much devoted to his 
uncle, Charles Duke of Orleans, to whose ransom he 
had so largely contributed, and who was always dis- 
posed to take part in a mild way with any one who was 
in opposition to the Government. This is a letter 
Louis wrote to him, probably about this time : — 

''Beaux oncles,— je entendu que vous aves envye 
d'avoyr ung mulct, mes qu'yl allast byen ayze, et a 
ceste cauze, je vous envoye le myen ; mes c'est en 
esperance que vous me doneres ung levryer ; car on 
n'en pent pas byen fynes de bons de par de sa, et sy 
vous le faytes, et vous prenes playsir en autre chouze, 
soyt ne mulle, mullet ou troton, je vous en recompan- 
sere byen. Et adyeu, beaux oncles. Escryt de ma 
main. 

" A beaux oncles d'Orlyens. Loys." 

(Fair uncle, — I have heard that you would like to 
have a mule, but he must be a very free-goer, and for 
this reason I send you mine ; but it is in the hope 
that you will give me a harrier ; for it is not easy to 
find a good one here, and if you do so, and you take 
pleasure in anything else, be it mule, little mule, or 
" trotter," I will reward you well. 

And adieu, fair uncle. Written by my hand. — Loys.) 

We have a very full and most interesting account in 
his letters of the young Dauphin's life in his own 
domain, where his active and governing spirit develops, 
and he acts like an independent sovereign. We find 
him coining money, raising taxes, and giving most 
special directions as to who shall be exempt from them. 
He obtains clerical preferment for various ecclesiastics in 

55 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

whom he is interested, bends to his will both the nobles 
and the clergy, contracts alliances, and declares war on 
neighbouring states, receives ambassadors from most 
of the kingdoms of Europe, takes part in the affairs and 
quarrels of Italian Republics ; in short, he acts as if 
Dauphine were entirely independent of France. Louis 
founded a university at Valence, a parliament at Gre- 
noble ; he took an intelligent interest in the trade and 
agriculture of his province, and showed much ability in 
its administration. 

Having been married once to please his father, he 
chose a wife for himself in 145 1, Charlotte, the daughter 
of Louis I, Duke of Savoy, and Anne de Lusignan, 
Queen of Cyprus, and received with her the enormous 
dowry of 200,000 ecus d'or. The consent of the King 
of France was not asked, the contract was secretly 
signed, and the Dauphin went to Chambery and was 
married in the chapel of the chateau to the young prin- 
cess, who was scarcely seven years old. When news 
reached Charles VII of the projected marriage, he was 
very angry and sent the herald of Normandy in all 
haste to forbid it, but the story goes that "on fit la cele- 
bration avant d'ouvrir les lettres." 

In the archives of Turin there is a very curious 
declaration, dated March 13, 145 1, of Amedee, the 
eldest son of the Duke of Savoy, who promises to 
remain in love and alliance with the Dauphin, and to 
uphold him with his body, his goods, and his might, 
against any who may oppose him. He also mentions 
having made espousals in the presence of Louis with 
*'ma tres chiere et tres amee compagne dame Yolant 
de France sa seur " ; and as this marriage actually 
took place the next year, we can only suppose that 

56 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

Charles VII was pacified by that time. This Prince 
was called " le bienheureux Amedee"; his pious soul 
was drawn towards the contemplative life and he only 
married to please his father and help his country. 
Of the brave and spirited Yolande we shall hear more 
hereafter. 

In the careful and minute accounts kept of all the 
Dauphin's expenditure, we have full particulars of the 
gifts he bestowed upon the princely household which 
accompanied little Charlotte of Savoy to Dauphine. 
An archbishop, her mother's confessor, received 
eighteen marcs d'argent, her governess, the Countess 
de Gruyeres, the same amount, a number of great 
ladies and officers of the establishment received 
money or jewels, and even the child's nurse was 
not forgotten. *'A dame Loyse de Bethleem qui a 
nourry et alaicte madicte dame la daulphine. . . . 
Mille florins." 

After this time we have several very interesting letters 
written by the Dauphin to his father, offering his 
services and his fortune to help drive out the English 
from Normandy and Guienne, but no notice was taken 
of them until, in October, 1452, he repeated his offer in 
the most urgent manner when Talbot landed at Bor- 
deaux with a large army. "... vous offrir mon service 
et y mectre corps et biens, se vostre plaisir Test me 
fayre ceste grace de m'en donner la charge et m'y em- 
ployer, comme plus a plain le vous pourra dire ledit 
sieur de Barry, lequel vous plaise croyre. En priant 
le benoist filz de Dieu, mon tres redoubte seigneur, 
qu'il vous doint tres bonne vie et longue. . . . Vostre 
tres humble et tres obbeissant filz. LoYS." 



57 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

This filial letter met with a curt refusal. For some 
years the King had been entirely under the influence of 
Breze and Dammartin, both virulent enemies of the 
Dauphin, and who had recently pursued to his de- 
struction the former favourite, Jacques Coeur, the great 
banker (argentier) of France ever since the year 1440. 
His public spirit and genius for finance saved the 
country at a most critical period, whose history would 
be incomplete without a brief account of Jacques 
Coeur. 

He was a merchant at Bourges where his picturesque 
house still remains with its motto, "A vaillant coeur 
rien d'impossible." Michelet describes it: ''Avance 
un peu dans la rue, comme pour regarder et voir venir 
. . . se tient quasi close ... a ces fausses fenetres, 
deux valets en pierre ont I'air d'epier les gens." Early 
travels had revealed to his clear mind the secret of the 
commercial success of Italy, and he too went to Syria 
and Egypt, bringing from thence the treasures of the 
East until he flourished exceedingly and had a fleet of 
his own, whose coming and going he could watch from 
a princely mansion at Montpellier. Jacques Coeur rose 
to the highest favour, had a monopoly of the commerce 
of France, exploited mines, managed the coinage and 
finances, was the King's right hand, and lent him, in an 
evil hour, 200,000 crowns (24,000,000 francs of to-day) 
with which to conquer Normandy. 

So splendid a position courted disaster. His watch- 
ful enemies took advantage of the King's grief on the 
sudden death of Agnes Sorel in 1450 to bring a 
false accusation against the great argentier of having 
poisoned her. Jacques Coeur was cast into prison, and 
once there it was easy to bring various calumnious or 

58 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

trivial charges against him, such as having sold arms 
to the infidels, of having forced men to embark on his 
ships, of various exactions, etc. etc. We have a very- 
long and full account of his trial, when he submitted to 
the good grace of the King, and placed all he had at 
His Majesty's disposal, but after cruel torture he was 
condemned, robbed of his immense fortune, and im- 
prisoned at Beaucaire. Charles VII had not the cour- 
age to save his generous friend, whose real fault was 
"that he had too powerful a debtor." After several 
years of imprisonment he was rescued by some former 
clerks of his, and succeeded in reaching Rome, where 
he was received with great honour by the Pope. Full 
of adventurous spirit to the end, Jacques Coeur lost his 
life in a sea-fight at Chios, having taken command of 
some galleys sent against the Turks. 

The disgrace of Jacques Coeur deprived Louis the 
Dauphin of a good friend at his father's Court, and 
from that time we find constant accusations brought 
against him which he had great difficulty in proving to 
be false, as we see from his letters. We cannot 
wonder that he refused to obey the King's summons to 
Paris, with the fate of the great argentier as a warning. 
At length, in the summer of 1456, Charles VII lost 
patience and approached the frontiers of Dauphine 
with a large army under the command of Dammartin, 
his son's unscrupulous enemy. On hearing this the 
Dauphin felt there was no time to lose. On Monday, 
August 30, 1456, he set off with a hunting party, 
crossed the mountains to St. Claude in Savoy where he 
heard three Masses, and then wrote the following letter 
to his father : — 



59 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

^'Au Rot de France. 

"Saint-Claude, 

"31 Aout, 1456. 
"Mon tres redoubte seigneur, 

"I recommend myself to your good favour as 
much and as humbly as I can. And may it please you 
to know, ' mon tres redoubte seigneur,' that as you are 
aware, my fair uncle of Burgundy has the intention of 
shortly going against the Turk for the defence of the 
Catholic Faith, and that my wish would be to go also, 
with your good pleasure, seeing that our Holy Father 
has summoned me and that I am Gonfalonier of the 
Church, and took the oath at your command (in 1444) ; 
I am going towards my aforesaid fair uncle to know 
his intention with respect to his going, in order that 
I may employ myself in defence of the Catholic Faith, 
' se mestier fait,' and also to implore him that he find 
means for me to remain in your good favour, which is 
the thing I desire most in this world. ' Mon tres 
redoubte seigneur,' I pray God that he may give you 
a very good and long life. Written at Saint Claude, 
the last day of August. 

" Your very humble and very obedient son, 

"LOYS." 

The Dauphin had previously shown his intention of 
joining a crusade against the Turks. In the Milan 
register of letters of Dukes of Milan, we read on the 
date of December, 1455, under a rubric concerning 
preparations for a crusade, the following passage 
about the Dauphin : " Lo illustrissimo signore del- 
phyno de Franza " has the intention of going in 
person against the Turk ... as we learn from his 
letters." 

60 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

After leaving Saint-Claude Louis paid a brief visit 
to the Prince of Orange at Noseroy, crossed Lorraine 
and Luxembourg, found a refuge at Louvain, and at 
length reached Brussels. Duke Philip was absent, but 
the Duchess Isabelle gave the fugitive a warm welcome, 
and the Duke hastened back and showed the greatest 
kindness and cordiality. He offered to write to the 
King on his behalf, and Louis himself lost no time 
before sending many letters and ambassadors to his 
father, but he could obtain no favourable reply, al- 
though all the letters were carefully docketed, with the 
date of their reception. Charles VII at once proceeded 
to take possession of Dauphine as a conquered pos- 
session, and gave the administration of the province 
into the hands of the Marechal de Loheac and the 
Admiral Jean de Bueil. He then wrote a circular 
letter to all the towns of France announcing the flight 
of the Dauphin, and enjoining them not to favour his 
rebellion. 

The little Dauphine Charlotte of Savoy was left 
behind with her household at Grenoble, where she had 
been established since the state marriage ; but a few 
years later she was able to join her husband, the Duke 
of Burgundy having given them as a home the chateau 
of Genappe, near Brussels, " sur les marches de 
Haynault, qui est place plaisante a deduit des chiens 
et des oyseaults," says Mathieu d'Escouchy. There 
were great forests near in those days — a splendid hunt- 
ing ground. Philip also generously allowed him a 
monthly pension of 2000 francs and later, 1000 gold 
crowns per month to the Dauphine besides allowances 
to his chief attendants ; most timely help, as the 
Dauphin was in absolute poverty. There is an interest- 

61 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

ing letter from Charlotte to her mother the Duchess of 
Savoy, written the following August, 1457, in which 
she begs that the arrears due from the income of her 
dowry may be paid at once, and she prettily adds : 
"car il me semble que ne lui devez pour quelconque 
chose faillir, veu les bons termes qu'il a tenuz et tient 
chaque jour que je vouldroye bien que sceussez, dont 
je me tiens la plus eureuse femme que oncques fust, 
ainsi que plus a plain j'ay charge audit maistre d'ostel 
vous dire ..." (for it seems to me that you should 
not fail him on any account, seeing the good terms on 
which he is towards me and continues every day, as 
I wish indeed that you knew, whereby I consider 
myself the happiest wife that ever was, which I have 
charged the aforesaid maitre d'hotel to tell you more 
fully . . . .) 

Frequent embassies were sent by Philip of Burgundy 
and by Louis himself pleading for pardon, while the 
kings of Scotland, Castile, and others also tried to 
make peace between the father and son, but as 
Charles VII demanded the unconditional surrender 
and return to Paris of the Dauphin, who required that 
his chief enemies should first be dismissed from their 
posts, there was a deadlock, and all efforts at reconcilia- 
tion were in vain. Meantime, Louis and his young 
wife appear to have found many alleviations in their 
exile. He was passionately fond of the chase, and 
there was good hunting and hawking in Brabant. As 
Michelet expresses it: ''Toute la joie du manoir, tout 
le sel de la vie, c'etait la chasse ; au matin le reveil du 
cor, le jour la course au bois et la fatigue ; au soir, le 
retour, le triomphe quand le vainqueur siegeait a la 
longue table avec sa bande joyeuse." Or, as the popu- 

62 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

lar handbook of that period on the chase, that of 
Phoebus (Gaston de Foix), declares : — 

''There is no man's life . . . less displeasable unto 
God than the life of a perfect and skilful hunter, or 
from which more good cometh. The first reason is 
that hunting causeth a man to eschew the seven deadly 
sins. Secondly, men are better when riding, more 
just and understanding . . . for the health of man and 
his soul. For whoso fleeth the seven deadly sins as we 
believe, ... he shall be saved, therefore a good hunter 
shall be saved." 

In the Dauphin's Hunting Book are still to be found 
all the names of his dogs. No doubt Phoebus on Hunt- 
ing was one of the books in the library which the 
Dauphin, always a great reader, caused to be sent for 
from Dauphine, and which contained many of the 
earliest printed books. He sent all over Europe for 
dogs and hawks ; thus in a letter to the King of Aragon, 
written in the winter of 1457, he announces that he is 
sending his groom, Woustre, with a number of birds, 
but as there are no sacres (kind of falcon) in Brabant, 
and those are the birds in which he takes the greatest 
delight, he begs that two may be sent him in return. 
Later, he writes from Genappe to the Duke of Milan to 
thank him for a ger-falcon he has sent, and to present 
Francesco Sforza with three falcons in exchange. 

It was possibly the accurate, mathematical mind of 
Louis which made him so scrupulous about paying his 
debts of every kind, for during his whole life it is 
worthy of remark that, often as he had need to borrow 
money, he invariably paid it back in full, both principal 
and interest. 

Michelet's account of the exiled prince at the Court of 

63 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

the Duke of Burgundy — " cet humble et doux dauphin, 
nourri chez PhiHppe le Bon des miettes de sa table . . . 
il lui fallait rire et faire rire, etre bon compagnon, 
jouer aux petits contes, en faire lui-meme . . . ." — may- 
be correct, but there is no doubt that he was treated with 
great honour and respect. When a daughter was born 
to the heir of Burgundy, Charles Comte of Charolois, 
and his second wife, Isabelle de Bourbon, it was the 
Dauphin of France who supported the head of the 
infant princess at the font, as her godfather, when she 
was held in the arms of her grandmother, and he gave 
her the name of Marie, for the sake of his mother, 
Marie of Anjou. 

This was in February, 1457, and began his earliest 
connection with Marie of Burgundy, who was destined 
to be sole heir of her father's vast domains, and to meet 
her gentle compere on far other terms. 

More than two years later we have a most interesting 
letter in which Louis announces to his father the birth 
of his first child. It is dated July 27, 1459, and is 
written from Notre-Dame de Hal. * ' ' Mon tres redoubte 
seigneur. . . . ' it has pleased our blessed Creator and 
the glorious Virgin His mother to deliver on the morn- 
ing of this day my wife of a fine son, for which I praise 
my Creator, and thank Him most humbly for that in 
His clemency it has pleased Him to visit me so benignly 
and to give me true knowledge of His infinite grace and 
goodness, which things, * mon tres redoubte seigneur,' 
I signify to you in all humility, in order that I may 
always give you my news, and likewise when they are 
good and joyful, as there is reason and I am bound to 
do. . . ." 

Charles VII received this letter on August 5, and two 

64 




Photo hy Hatijstaengl 



JOHANN ARNOLFINI 
After the portrait by J. Van Eyck 



To face p. 64 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

days afterwards wrote his congratulations. The Dau- 
phin also sent letters to announce the birth of his heir 
to his brother, Prince Charles, then a boy of thirteen, 
and also to the city of Paris, of Lyons, and other 
places, to request that the usual rejoicings should take 
place, and that there should be public thanksgiving in 
the churches. The authorities applied to the King, 
who appears to have permitted the festivities. Several 
friendly letters are preserved which passed between 
Charles VII and the gentle Charlotte, the daughter-in- 
law whom he never saw. 

As for the infant son, he received the name of 
Joachim at the stately christening when Philip Duke of 
Burgundy was his godfather, but he died the following 
November, to the great disappointment and grief of his 
parents. Early in the year 1461 a daughter was born 
to them, the great Anne of France, afterwards Regent 
of the kingdom. 

We do not dwell upon the troubled and complicated 
politics of the Court of Burgundy, where father and 
son were almost as much opposed to each other as the 
King of France and his heir, because in this struggle 
for supremacy Louis the Dauphin took no part, and 
kept on good terms with every one. Charles VII's 
remark on this diplomatic conduct is well known : '* Our 
brother Philip has taken home a fox who will eat his 
chickens." 

The letters of the exiled prince during this period 
show the interest which he took in foreign affairs. He 
writes often to the Duke of Milan, also to Pope Pius II, 
to the King of Navarre, and "in most friendly" style 
to Don Carlos, Prince of Navarre, to his sister the 
Duchess Yolande of Savoy, and to various ecclesi- 
F 65 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

astical bodies with regard to appointments, one of the 
latest being to the Chapter of Saint Martin de Tours, 
asking them to give the first canonry vacant to Henri 
Coeur, the son of the famous Jacques Coeur, the dis- 
graced argentier. As Michelet describes the Dau- 
phin Louis : " Ne dans les affaires memes, tres spirituel 
et tres instruit, a quatorze ans il faisait deja la guerre, 
menait les armees ; c'etait un roi tout pret. . . ." 

As an illustration of this lively intelligence we find 
Louis the centre of a kind of literary society, where the 
men of letters and other members of his small Court 
met together, either to read or invent short amusing 
contes in imitation of the popular Decameron of Boccac- 
cio, and much in the same style as the Xaiev Heptatnerott 
of Marguerite of Navarre. They were witty, satirical, 
even burlesque, and by no means refined, but according 
to the taste of the period. At least seven are attributed 
to the Dauphin himself, and Duke Philip is supposed 
to have contributed three of the *' Cent nouvelles nouv- 
velles " as they were called. They were collected and 
published for the first time in i486, after the death 
of Louis XI. 

Amongst other very interesting letters written by the 
Dauphin during his abode at Genappe, we have several 
addressed to John Arnolfini, the merchant of Lucca, 
probably the same who was painted at Bruges as a 
young man by John Van Eyck. Louis calls him 
''Jehan mon amy," and asks him to send forty-three 
yards of a very special crimson velvet, promising to 
pay him well for it in the future (as he did, with interest). 
Arnolfini appears to have been a banker also, as he 
pays over a large sum of money for him later. 

The whole story of the Dauphin's life has been fully 

66 



LOUIS THE DAUPHIN 

dwelt upon here, as it has received but little attention 
from historians generally, although during these thirty- 
eight years of action and endurance, the character 
of the future king was gradually built up, and *'il se 
prepara a fonder I'unite fran9oise." 



67 



CHAPTER IV 
1461-2 

Death of Charles VII— Accession of Louis XI— He 

TRAVELS to PaRIS WITH THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY — 

State of France— The Great Nobles— Concerning 

THE Pragmatic Sanction — Louis XI supports the 

House of Anjou at Naples— Don Carlos of Viana — 

Madeleine of France marries Gaston de Foix. 

On Wednesday, July 22nd, 1461, the King of France, 
Charles VII the Victorious, came to a miserable end. 
For some time he had been in ill-health — the penalty 
of a life of dissipation, aggravated of late by constant 
anxiety and suspicion of all who surrounded him. His 
heir, the Dauphin Louis, was an honoured guest at the 
Court of Philip Duke of Burgundy, with whom the 
King had always cause for enmity, and father arwi son 
had not met for fifteen years since Louis retired to his 
appanage of Dauphine. This Vas a constant source 
of annoyance to Charles, but as his favourite and 
trusted minister, Dammartin, was the open enemy of the 
Dauphin, the young Prince was probably wise in keep- 
ing out of his reach. 

The Chroniqiie Martinienne states that Louis wrote 
a letter addressed to Mademoiselle de Villequier, the 
King's mistress, in which he spoke of her and Dam- 
martin as his secret allies, on purpose that it might be 
intercepted by the King. But the great archivist, 

68 



ACCESSION OF LOUIS XI 

M. Charavay, who devoted more than twenty years to 
collecting the correspondence of the Dauphin, points 
out that the date given — August 30th, 1461 — must be 
wrong, as Louis was then King, also he has not seen 
the letter and cannot arrswer for the "veracity of this 
mysterious story." This has been often repeated as 
a proof of the Dauphin's treachery, and also to justify 
the unfortunate King's cruel suspicion that he was 
in danger of poison. So strong became this dread — 
probably a touch of his father's insanity — that Charles 
refused to touch any food at the last, and died of starva- 
tion in the castle of Mehun-sur-Yevre, about two miles 
from Bourges. Only a few faithful friends remained 
with him to the last, as most of the courtiers hastened 
to worship the rising sun. 

The tidings soon reached the new King, Louis XI, 
and Chastellain thus expresses his feeling: " Hier 
encore me tenoys pour le plus povre filz de roy 
qui oncques fust . . . et maintenant, tout soul- 
dainement, comme se je partoye d'ung songe, Dieu 
m'a envoye nouvel eur; et en lieu de ma povrete 
passee, m'a faict le plus riche et plus puissant roy des 
chrestierns." 

Louis wrote at once to the Archbishop of Rheims to 
make preparation for his coronation, and also sent 
word to all the chief authorities in France, princes, 
governors, generals, clergy, and town dignitaries, 
announcing his succession and expressing his desire 
to work actively for the good of his country with the 
help of all his people. He at once prepared for his 
journey, in which the Duke of Burgundy offered to 
accompany him with all his great n®bles and vassals. 
It was a splendid opportunity, and so numerous a 

69 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

company assembled, that Louis had to damp the zeal 
of his friends by suggesting that the Lord of Burgundy 
should be content with an escort of three or four thou- 
sand followers. At Avesnes a solemn funeral service 
was held, and at the close of the ceremony Louis put 
on the royal purple, but his equipage was very modest 
compared with the gorgeous show of Duke Philip's 
triumphal procession. He and his son, Charles Count 
of Charolois, with the chief nobles of Burgundy, wore 
magnificent costumes blazing with jewels, and the 
knights, archers, men-at-arms, heralds, and pages pro- 
claimed his wealth and power. Even the- trappings 
of the horses were of velvet and silk embroidered in 
gold with the arms of Burgundy and fringed with 
silver bells. A multitude of wagons, covered with rich 
brocades and banners, carried the tents and furniture, 
and were followed by oxen and sheep and other pro- 
vision for the way. Charlotte of Savoy, when she set 
forth to be Queen of France, was glad to borrow the 
horses and chariots of the Countess of Charolois. 

If the new King had any doubts as to the reception 
he would receive, these were soon set at rest, for he 
was met by a constant stream of deputations from the 
chief cities, from the great lords and those who wished 
to be continued in their offices. At Chateau-Thierry, 
amongst others, Thomas Basin, Bishop of Lisieux, came 
to welcome and congratulate the new King, with whom 
in later days he was to have so deadly a feud and was 
to paint in the blackest hues. 

The coronation took place at Rheims, and was a 
most imposing ceremony, in which, after the anointing 
with holy oil, Philip of Burgundy played the most import- 
ant part, that of placing the massive crown on the King's 

70 



CORONATION OF THE KING 

head and proclaiming him with the battle cry of France, 
"Vive le Roy, Montjoye Saint Denis!" The people 
shouted in response amid the peal of trumpets and 
clarions. The Duke then humbled himself to do 
homage for the fiefs which he held from the Crown of 
France. The Duke of Bourbon followed, then the 
counts of Nevers, of Vendome, and other peers knelt to 
vow fealty to their liege lord. From Rheims the King 
travelled onwards to Meaux and thence to Saint Denis, 
where a solemn service was celebrated at his father's 
tomb. On the 31st of August he entered Paris with 
a stately procession and was welcomed with magnificent 
festivities, in which the Duke of Burgundy was dis- 
tinguished for his profusion and extravagance. He 
was very popular with the inhabitants, who exclaimed 
as they saw him parading the streets covered with his 
priceless jewels and sometimes with a fair lady at his 
saddle-bow : " Et vela ung humain prinche ! vela ung 
seigneur dont ung monde seroit estore de I'avoir tel ! " 
(Here is a human prince ! Here is a lord whom a 
world would rejoice to have thus !) 

Louis, on the contrary, never appealed by outward 
magnificence to the popular taste. He was glad to put 
off his regal purpoint of crimson satin and long robe 
of white damask for a doublet and short mantle of grey 
fustian. The gorgeous brocades of Venice, the costly 
tapestries of Arras, only aroused in him a keen desire 
that his own country should produce them. He had 
already started looms at Lyons years before, and he 
now sought to encourage these splendid industries at 
Tours ; he sent to the south of France, to Italy, and 
even to Greece for weavers and dyers with all their 
tools, and later he planted mulberry trees in his park at 

71 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Plessis and wherever he could persuade people to have 
them. 

After an absence from Paris of fifteen years, during 
which he had been of no account, ever spoken of at 
Court with contempt, the new King found it necessary 
to dismiss all the chief ministers in order to assert 
his authority. Many of these he replaced later, but he 
also chose men for himself, such as the monk of Cluny, 
Pierre de Morvilliers, against whom a charge had been 
made, but when in the royal presence he was offered 
pardon, he boldly demanded justice only. "Je vous 
fait chancellier de France : soyez preud'homme," said 
the King. Another minister who had always been 
opposed to him, Pierre de Breze, when informed that 
Louis XI had put a price on his head, " se decida a le 
porter lui-meme, et le roi, qui avait beaucoup d'esprit, 
le re9ut a merveille," says Michelet. 

Before he set forth on the 24th of September to visit 
his mother, Marie of Anjou, at Amboise, Louis took 
leave with great friendliness of the Duke of Burgundy, 
who behaved with ostentatious humility. We are told 
that Philip and his nobles were disappointed with the 
rewards which they had received from the King, as 
they had formed the wildest expectations. Yet Louis 
had refused the Duke nothing; he had made satisfactory 
arrangements about the payment of ancient debts and 
the free intercourse in trade between the two states, 
with very great privileges for subjects of the Duke, 
and many favours to his ministers. His son the 
Count of Charolois had received the appointment of 
Lieutenant-General of Normandy, or at least the salary 
of 36,000 livres attached to the post ; the Seneschal of 
Burgundy had the countship of Charni, Antoine de 

72 



ROYAL GIFTS AND CLEMENCY 

Croy received a valuable estate and a future claim to 
the Grand Mastership of France, while Jean de 
Croy was given the emoluments of Counsellor and 
Chamberlain. Charles of Burgundy was also invited 
to pay the King a visit at Tours, where he was most 
graciously received and spent a month, during which 
great entertainments and hunting parties were given 
in his honour. On one occasion the Count pursued 
**une bete rousse" so far that he lost his way, and 
there was the utmost alarm and dismay at the castle 
of Tours, the King making a vow that he would 
neither eat nor drink until his guest's return. However, 
Charles had only taken refuge in a village inn, as it 
was a dark night. 

One of the first acts of Louis XI had been to set 
free Jean Duke of Alen9on, his godfather, who was 
imprisoned for rebellion in the prison of Loches. All 
his "rights, honours, and estates" were restored to 
him, but the King reserved the privilege of arrang- 
ing marriages for the Duke's sons and daughters ; 
always a subject in which he showed the greatest 
interest. Louis considered that the dower of his 
mother was insufficient, and he bestowed upon her 
various lands and rights, of which the income 
amounted to 50,000 livres tournois. He did not forget 
his younger brother, Charles, who had no suitable 
appanage, and assigned to him the duchy of Berry, 
with all its cities, fortresses, patronage, etc., adding to it 
a yearly allowance of 12,000 livres. He also extended 
a pardon to the unworthy Jean of Armagnac, paid with 
interest all debts owing by the late King and incurred 
by himself in the days of his poverty, and he gave 
large gifts to various churches and abbeys. 

73 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

It is very important to consider the position in which 
Louis XI found himself at his accession with regard 
to the great nobles of France, who almost resembled 
so many petty kings. The whole country was indeed 
like a fortress with all its outworks in the hands of in- 
dependent rulers who were usually foes. A study of 
the map of France in the fifteenth century proves this 
very clearly. The great possessions of the Duke of 
Burgundy close in France to the east and the north ; the 
duchy of Burgundy (Yvonne, Cote d'Or, Nievre, and 
Saone-et-Loire) having been originally given as an 
appanage to Philip, the youngest son of John the 
Good, who distinguished himself at the battle of 
Poictiers. To this had been added one province after 
another from beyond — Brabant, Luxembourg, Flan- 
ders, Hainault, Holland, Zeeland, Franche-Comte, 
Artois, and others — by conquest, alliance, or purchase, 
but the whole amazing record of successful ambition 
has been so fully told elsewhere^ that it need not be 
repeated here. Enough that the Duke of Burgundy 
was ever a rival to the King of France, and the very 
existence of so powerful a vassal was a constant 
menace. 

The next in importance was the duchy of Brittany, 
which, like Burgundy, was exempt from royal taillea.nd 
aide, was not bound to support the King of France in 
his wars, and had its own laws and its own coinage of 
gold and silver. In his far-western sea-coast province, 
the Duke of Brittany, with his hardy, intractable 
Celtic people, refused to take the oath of allegiance 
in the usual form, and behaved like an independent 
sovereign, treating directly with the King of England 

' Marguerite of Austria, Christopher Hare. 
74 



STATE OF FRANCE 

and the Court of Rome. South of Brittany was 
Guienne, which had but recently been recovered from the 
English, whose rule had been popular there ; while to 
the north was Normandy, the heritage of the Plan- 
tagenets, still perhaps half English in feeling. 

Close by were Maine and Anjou, which with the 
south-eastern dukedom of Provence, and Lorraine and 
Bar to the north, belonged to the House of Anjou. In 
the south-west, bordering on the Pyrenees and Spain, 
were the countships of Cominges, of Foix, the domin- 
ions of the House of Albret, of the Duke of Nemours, 
and of the Count of Armagnac. In the heart of his 
kingdom, Louis had other feudal vassals whose loyalty 
was at least doubtful — Charles of Orleans, and the 
lords of Bourbon, of Alen9on, of Blois, and others. 

Such was the position which Louis XI had to face, 
and his one steady aim was to bring all these conflicting 
interests together, and to found the unity of France 
upon the basis of an absolute monarchy, a citadel in 
which all the outposts should be held by loyal subjects. 
In order to accomplish this tremendous task it was 
necessary to subjugate the nobles, to win them to his 
cause by every means, but at the same time to punish 
any treachery on their part with unrelenting sternness. 
As we know, by so doing he won a bitter meed of 
obloquy, while the bourgeoisie, whose industry and 
fortune he encouraged, never forgave him for the heavy 
taxation which he was compelled to impose upon them. 
Money was an absolute necessity for King Louis XI, 
so ardent a lover of peace that he would always buy 
off an enemy rather than fight him, and thus let his 
subjects, whose land had long been made desolate 
by war, pay with their coins rather than their lives. 

75 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

We have several very interesting letters written 
soon after the King's accession which show his 
accurate information and keen interest about foreign 
affairs. There are four letters written in Latin to 
Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, with whom he had 
been on such friendly terms when Dauphin. They are 
on the subject of various embassies which have been 
sent, and there is another letter in French telling all 
about the troubles caused in the House of Savoy by the 
compatriots of the Duchess, Anne of Cyprus. Louis 
also writes to Sigismondo Malatesta, Lord of Rimini, 
asking him to give his help and support to the cause 
of Rene, King of Sicily, and Jean, Duke of Calabria, 
his son, in their attempts to recover the kingdom of 
Naples. It is addressed thus : " Illustri ac potenti 
Sigismundo de Malatestis, Arimini domino, armorum- 
que strenuo capitaneo, amico nostro carissimo." 

In 1458, Pius II (^neas Sylvius Piccolomini of Siena) 
had succeeded to the papal throne, and he at once 
turned his attention to the abolition of the Pragmatic 
Sanction of Bourges, granted by Charles VII in 1438, 
and which the Pope considered incompatible with the 
rights of the papacy. This famous deed had secured the 
freedom of canonical elections, depriving the Pope of 
the right of nomination to bishoprics and benefices, and 
allowing each chapter to elect its own bishop, and 
each monastery its prior. In point of fact, the sovereign 
authority of the King was recognized, and freedom of 
election really meant little more than freedom to receive 
recommendations from the King or others. But there 
was certainly less drain of money from France to Rome. 

Pius II seems to have felt so strongly on the subject 
that he is said to have made overtures by his Legate, 

76 



PRAGMATIC SANCTION 

Jean Joffredi, to the Dauphin, when he was still at 
Genappe. On the accession of Louis, Joffredi was sent 
to him again, with the understanding that if he succeeded 
in his delicate mission, a cardinal's hat would be the 
reward. It was pointed out to the King that there was 
so much sympathy between the aristocracy and the 
clergy that the elections really gave the nobles a means 
of influence, and thus became a new peril to the throne. 
Louis was moreover given to understand that if he made 
this important concession, Pius II would always defer 
to his wishes about presentations, and would also for- 
ward the cause of the House of Anjou at Naples. By 
the end of 1461, the promise of Louis to abolish the 
Pragmatic Sanction had been unwillingly registered by 
the **Parlement" as a royal ordinance. Pope Pius 
wrote a wonderful letter of congratulation to the King, 
comparing him to Constantine and Charlemagne, send- 
ing him heartfelt love, calling him a great king, and 
promising that posterity will talk of him. A sword 
blessed by the Pope himself accompanied this letter. 
Yet in the end there was no great result, for Pius 
opposed Rene of Anjou, being pledged to help Ferrante 
at Naples ; possibly the Legate may have gone beyond 
his instructions. Louis was bitterly disappointed, and 
although the Pragmatic Sanction was not formally 
restored, his policy henceforth was to keep the whole 
matter open, and to retain all important ecclesiastical 
patronage in his own hands. 

Louis XI was at this time so closely identified with 
the interests of the House of Anjou that he formally 
betrothed his baby daughter, Anne of France, to the 
son of Jean of Calabria, Nicholas of Lorraine, aged 
thirteen. He even paid a portion of the promised 

77 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

dowry, 100,000 ecus, but the marriage never came to 
pass. 

Neither Rene of Provence nor his son, Jean of 
Calabria, were present at the coronation of the King, 
but they sent the flower of their nobility, while they 
were engaged in fighting for the crown of Naples, 
which Alfonso of Aragon on his death had left to his 
illegitimate son Ferrante. The King of France would 
gladly have seen a French dynasty established on the 
throne of Naples ; and he had already sent embassies 
requesting help for his kinsman which were well 
received, not only by his friend the Duke of Milan, 
but also by Sigismondo Malatesti of Rimini, and by 
Ferrara and Venice. Jean of Calabria had been 
successful at Sarno on July 7, and at San-Fabiano 
July 27, 1460, but he had not taken full advantage 
of his victories, and meantime his enemy Ferrante had 
time to recover his forces. 

Louis writes to the states of Catalonia from Tours, 
on October 13, 1461, to express his deep sorrow on 
hearing of the death of Don Carlos, Prince of Viana, 
" duquel deces avons este e sommes tres correzes et 
desplasants . . . et por la bonne, grande e ferme amor 
qui estoit entre nous e luy. ..." In another letter 
written a few days later, when he sends a promise of 
protection to the Catalans, he speaks again of "la 
singuliere amour et dilection que nous avions . . . de 
nostre dit feu frere. ..." Don Carlos, Prince of 
Viana, was the eldest son of Juan II, King of Aragon, 
and was rightful King of Navarre which he inherited 
from his mother. He was a most interesting person- 
ality, and was distinguished in music, painting, and 
poetry. He translated the Ethics of Aristotle and 

78 



DON CARLOS OF VIANA 

wrote a Chronicle, to beguile the long hours of im- 
prisonment to which his father had unjustly condemned 
him. He had just been welcomed with enthusiasm at 
Barcelona when he died suddenly, with suspicion of 
poison. His sister Blanche, divorced wife of Enrique 
IV of Castile, was the next heir of Navarre, and it is on 
her behalf that Louis XI writes again on November 9 
to the states of Catalonia, urgently requesting that the 
Princess may be set at liberty. He is so much in 
earnest for the "delivrance de notre dite cosine, en- 
semble de sondit heretage," that he sends a special 
ambassador to the Court of Juan II of Aragon, to 
press the matter. This letter is important evidence on 
behalf of Louis XI, who has been accused of con- 
nivance at the sad fate which befell this unfortunate 
lady some years later. 

In studying the letters of Louis XI, it is striking to 
find how vivid and minute an interest he takes in every- 
thing connected with his government ; he desired to 
know everything and he forgot nothing. Soon after 
his accession he wrote to the Count de Foix command- 
ing him to give up the little town of Mauleon-de-Soule 
which he had taken from the English twelve years 
before. This may have drawn his special attention to 
the Pyrenees, the great frontier barrier which protected 
France from Spain, for we find him soon after entering 
into intimate relations with the Count de Foix, and 
even offering his young sister, Madeleine of France, 
then ten years old, as a bride for the son of Gaston de 
Foix ; his father giving him several townships, and the 
vacant title of Prince of Viana, with all his rights in 
the kingdom of Navarre if it should ever come to him. 
The contract was signed at Saint-Jean-d'Angely, on 

79 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

the nth of January, 1462, in the presence of the King 
of France, and the marriage was celebrated on March 
7th at Bordeaux, the young prince of Viana remaining 
with Louis, who had become attached to him. 

King Juan II of Aragon at once sought the alHance 
of France, and the two Kings met, and signed a treaty 
at Bayonne on May 9, by which Louis XI promised 
Juan of Aragon the support of seven hundred lances at 
once, and four hundred later if necessary, to subdue 
Catalonia. Each lance consisted of one man-at-arms, 
two archers, one jswordsman, one valet, and one page. 
On his side, Juan engaged to pay 300,000 ecus d'or, 
and for this payment he gave Louis in pledge the 
provinces of Cerdagne and Roussillon. He also 
promised to try and persuade his daughter Blanche to 
enter a convent and yield her claims to Navarre. The 
end of this sad story took place some years later, when 
the unhappy Princess, having refused, was given up 
to Gaston IV and her youngest sister, Leonore, who 
imprisoned her in the Chateau d'Orthez, where she 
died in 1465, and foul play has always been suspected. 

Louis XI fully appreciated the advantage of having 
a strong hold upon Roussillon and Cerdagne, which 
were to him advanced outposts of empire, from whence 
he might observe all that happened in Spain. He 
could also form commercial relations with that country, 
and in case of trouble with his nobles in the south, he 
would have a base from which to attack them in the 
rear. We can find no evidence to justify the common 
suspicion that he was indifferent to the fate of Queen 
Blanche, whose kingdom of Navarre was ultimately to 
fall into the hands of her half-brother, Ferdinand of 
Aragon. 

80 




POPE PIUS II 
From an old engraving 



To face p. 80 



CHAPTER V 

1462, 1463 

Marguerite of Anjou seeks the help of Louis — 
Louis XI takes possession of Roussillon — Philippe 
de Commines— Louis recovers the towns on the 
SoMME — Conspiracy against the King— Death of 
Charles of Orleans. 

Ardently as he desired peace, which he looked upon 
as the sole salvation of his country, Louis XI found 
himself in the midst of strife on all sides. While 
doing his utmost by diplomacy to further the cause of 
the House of Anjou in Naples, another member of the 
same family. Marguerite, the daughter of Rene, and 
wife of Henry VI, was making a desperate appeal for 
more substantial help. The King was still at Bordeaux 
in May, 1462, when he wrote a letter to the Admiral of 
France, saying that the Queen of England had arrived 
at Angers, and that he wished to consult at once as to 
what he could do for her. " Toutesvoyes, il est force 
d'entendre a son fait et de la soustenir de tout nostre 
povoir, car c'est le boulvert contre le roi Edouart." (At 
all events it is necessary to attend to her case, and to 
maintain her with all our power, for it is the bulwark 
against King Edward.) 

Louis XI was in a very difficult position, as the state 
of his kingdom made it most desirable for him to be at 

G 81 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

peace with England, where the House of York was 
now victorious, Edward IV having been crowned king 
in the previous spring of 1461. After the fatal battle 
of Towton, fought on Palm Sunday, the hopes of the 
Lancastrians were almost destroyed, and the deposed 
king, Henry VI, fled with his wife to Scotland. But 
the indomitable spirit of Marguerite induced her to 
hope for success if she could obtain the help of France ; 
and with this expectation, on April 3rd, 1462, she 
sailed from Kirkcudbright through the Irish Channel 
into Brittany. 

Meantime we find a mysterious letter written by 
Louis to a devoted follower of his, Aymar de Poysieu, 
who always went by the name of Cadorat {Tete doree)^ 
on account of his golden hair. 
' ' De par le roy. 

" Cadorat, nous avons sceu que la royne [Marguerite 
of Anjou] vient a Tours, et pour ce essayez par bons 
moyens, et sans faire semblant, qu'elle ne viengne 
point a Amboise ; aussi que ma femme n'aille point 
devers elle a Tours, pour rien que soit. ..." (Cadorat, 
we have heard that the Queen is coming to Tours, and 
I would have you try by good means, without appearing 
to do so, that she come no further, and that she does 
not go to Amboise ; also that my wife should not go to 
meet her on any account whatever. . . .") Louis also 
writes a letter to his wife, Charlotte, inviting her to 
come and join him at Melun. We have no clue to the 
reason for his earnest desire that the two Queens should 
not meet. He concluded an agreement with Marguerite 
on June 23rd, by which she promised, for the sum 
of 20,000 livres, to appoint Jean de Foix Governor 
of Calais (if it came into her power again), and it 

82 



MARGUERITE OF ANJOU 

would be placed in the hands of the Kmg of France 
if the money were not repaid. Louis also helped her 
with a small force of men, and wrote a letter to the 
Chapter of Rouen requesting that the Queen of England 
should be welcomed and received with as much honour, 
reverence, and "bonne chiere " as if she were "our 
very dear and well-beloved consort the Queen." In the 
archives of Rouen we find a very full and picturesque 
account of the grand reception accorded and the pro- 
cession of town councillors on horseback who accom- 
panied the Queen to her abode, the "hostel du Lyon 
d'or, chez Regnaud de Villene, advocat a Rouen." 

Marguerite returned to Scotland and made an attempt 
to invade England by sea, but a violent storm arose ; 
some of the ships were sunk, while others were driven 
on the shores of Holy Island, off the coast of Northum- 
berland ; and the Queen herself barely escaped with her 
life in a small fishing-boat to Berwick. Still undaunted, 
she soon after made another attempt by land, and 
entered Northumberland with the help of the border 
clans. At first she was so successful that the strong 
castles of Bamborough, Dunstanborough, and Alnwick 
fell into her hands, but they were retaken before the 
end of the year, and she herself narrowly escaped 
falling into the hands of her enemies. We are all 
familiar with the story of the friendly robber who 
helped her and her son to safety, and how they set sail 
from Sluys and went to Bruges, where she sought the 
help of the Duke of Burgundy. He received her 
kindly, but would not take her part against his ally, 
Edward IV ; so the unfortunate lady was compelled to 
retire to a castle of her father's in the duchy of Bar, and 
watch from afar the course of events. 

83 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

After the departure of Marguerite from France in 
July, 1462, Louis XI was actively engaged in prepara- 
tion for the "campaign of Roussillon." But first it 
was needful to see to the defence of his chief towns, 
as it was expected that Edward IV would invade France 
in reprisal of the help given to Marguerite of Anjou. 
Thus the King writes giving the fullest instructions to 
the Bailli of Rouen, to Toulouse, to Bordeaux, to Bay- 
onne, to Dax and Blaye, to the Sire de Beauj'en, to the 
Seneschals of Limousin, of Lannes, and others, to spare 
no labour or expense in strengthening the fortresses and 
keeping good watch. In a letter to his uncle, the Count 
of Maine, in July, Louis mentions that an English fleet 
has left Sandwich, but whether it is bound for Ireland 
or for Bordeaux is uncertain. Meantime Roussillon and 
Cerdagne being in revolt, the Count de Foix reached 
Narbonne with an army of more than a thousand 
*' lances," five or six thousand "francs-archers," and 
some good artillery. He advanced to meet the Cata- 
lonians, induced them to leave their retrenchments and 
defeated them, and took possession of several strong 
places in the Pyrenees. Urgent appeals reached him 
from Juana Queen of Aragon, who was besieged by 
the Count of Palhas in Gerona and reduced to the last 
extremities. The French Army succeeded in passing 
through the col de Perthus, where a hundred resolute 
men might have held the pass, and reached Gerona in 
time to save Queen Juana, while the besieging army 
escaped to Barcelona. After several other successes 
the Count de Foix met Juan II, King of Aragon, who 
congratulated him on his victories, and was amazed that 
so much heavy artillery could have been transported 
over the mountains. 

84 



CAMPAIGN IN CATALONIA 

In the hour of triumph Juan became foolhardy, and 
thought all things possible to him. Having cause to 
complain of Barcelona, he decided to besiege that 
strong city so splendidly garrisoned, and protected by 
the sea. The army within the walls was four times the 
number of the attacking force. After three weeks of 
investment no progress had been made, and a rumour 
spread that a Castilian army was approaching. The 
Count de Foix thought it prudent to retreat, and Tarra- 
gona was next besieged, but after many brave men 
had lost their lives, the town was spared on making a 
payment of 3p,ooo florins. 

When the campaign in Catalonia was over, Juan II 
tried to persuade the French auxiliaries to join with 
him in fighting against Castile, but they refused, as 
there was an alliance between the: King of France and 
Enrique IV of Castile. The King of Aragon in his 
disappointment, sought to make mischief between 
England and France, but his messenger was taken 
prisoner and the plot was discovered. Then Juan tried 
to incite the city of Perpignan to rebellion, and the 
French garrison was besieged in the citadel. In all 
emergencies of this kind, the commands of Louis XI 
were always full of energy and precision. These were 
the instructions which he sent at once to one of his 
trusted officers when a conspiracy was supposed to be 
on foot. "You are on the spot. Go there (to Per- 
pignan) if you have not already done so. Examine 
closely. If you find that it is so, let justice be done on 
all from Aie highest to the lowest. In any case you can 
make sure of those you suspect, and if necessary send 
them to me under pretext that they can make their 
excuses. With regard to the viscounts who are men- 

8s 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

tioned, tell my fair cousin of Nemours to send them at 
once to me, and not to give them the places they 
demand. Place all the artillery in the castle of Nar- 
bonne, if it is not already there. I beg of you not to 
fail in this hour of need ; but remain until the danger 
is over and you are completely satisfied." 

Before Christmas, the King set forth from Touraine 
towards the south, that he might be nearer the seat of 
war. At La Rochelle he met his mother, Marie of 
Anjou, who was going on a pilgrimage to St. James 
of Compostella in Spain, to make sure that two lighted 
candles were always kept burning there before the 
altaiT, "as the Kings of France had vowed." It was 
the last time that Louis saw her, for the dowager 
Queen died at Poitiers on her return from the long 
rough journey. 

On receiving news that Roussillon was again sub- 
dued, the King, as was his custom, gave large gifts to 
the church of St. Martin at Tours and the abbey of 
Notre-Dame de Selles in Poitou. He also, at the 
request of the States of Guienne, established a parlia- 
ment there. While at Bordeaux he received an un- 
expected visit from Antoine de Chabannes, Count of 
Dammartin, and expressed his surprise that his enemy 
should have ventured into his presence. " Do you ask 
for justice or mercy?" added the King. "Sire, I 
prefer justice," was the reply. "Then I banish you 
for ever from my kingdom," was his sentence. Louis 
gave him money for his journey, as Dammartin pleaded 
poverty, but later, in the hope of saving bis estates, he 
pleaded before the courts and was condemned to im- 
prisonment in the Bastille. 

At Easter the King went to Bayonne, where he met 

86 



TREATY OF BAYONNE 

the Count de Foix, with his wife Leonore and his 
daughter Marie, and had a splendid reception. A great 
conference was held here, to which Castile and Aragon 
sent ambassadors, and a treaty of peace was concluded, 
to be followed by a general amnesty. At the end of 
April, 1463, the kings of France and Castile had a 
stately interview on the banks of the Bidassoa, where 
Louis was accompanied by his brother, the Duke of 
Berry, the Count and Countess of Foix, and the Prince 
of Viana, the Duke of Bourbon, the counts of Dunois 
and Comminges, and others. Enrique IV came with a 
magnificent suite, all decked out with Oriental splen- 
dour, and glittering with gold and precious stones on 
their rich brocades — a striking contrast to the simplicity 
of the French King. The Treaty of Bayonne was 
signed and ratified by the two monarchs, who were so 
strong a contrast to each other in every way ; and 
immediately afterwards we find Louis XI sending the 
Archbishop of Bordeaux to Barcelona, to persuade the 
people of Catalonia to submit loyally to the terms 
arranged. Louis also met the King of Aragon on 
May 3 at St. Jean-de-Luz, in order to make yet stronger 
assurance of peace. 

Meantime, affairs in Italy had been most disastrous 
to the House of Anjou. Pope Pius II had exerted 
himself with the utmost vigour on behalf of Ferrante, 
and had obtained the services of the famous captain, 
George Castriot, the terror of the Turks, by whose help 
the battle of Troja was won on August 18, 1462. This 
defeat decided the question against Jean of Calabria, 
who, driven from one place to another, and seeing his 
partisans gradually fall away, was at length, in the 
next year, compelled to leave Italy and retire to his 

87 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

father's estates in Provence. As late as May 30, 1463, 
Louis wrote a pressing letter from Toulouse to the 
Republic of Florence, praying that no support might 
be given to the enemies of the Prince of Calabria, but 
this was of no avail, for the cause was already lost. 
Louis always took the greatest interest in the affairs of 
Italy, but he was wise enough to see that it was against 
the interest of the French Crown to hold isolated 
possessions in that country, and before the end of 1463, 
he actually gave up to the Duke of Milan the city of 
Genoa (which had belonged to his predecessor) and a 
little later the town of Savona. In a long and interest- 
ing Italian letter written at Abbeville on October 24, 
Louis fully explains his reasons to Francesco Sforza, 
who is naturally extremely grateful. In writing to Fog- 
liano, who was to take possession for him, he speaks of 
the King's greatness of soul, which makes all the glory 
and splendour of the " tres-haute et tres-puissante 
maison de France." 

Louis XI in another letter explains to the Duke of 
Milan that he would gladly have given up the county 
of Asti also, but that belongs to the Duke of Orleans 
(inherited from Valentine Visconti) who might be 
offered 200,000 ducats for it. The King sends formal 
notice to the Doge of Venice that Genoa henceforth 
belongs to the Duke of Milan. 

While Louis XI was at Bayonne he was called upon 
to intervene in the affairs of Savoy, where Duke Louis 
who was in failing health, had been completely over- 
ruled by his wife, Anne de Lusignan, formerly Queen 
of Cyprus. She was a woman of strong intelligence, 
but perhaps too much under the influence of ministers 
from her own country. She had seven daughters, of 



YOLANDE OF FRANCE 

whom the eldest was Charlotte, wife of Louis XI, and 
eight sons. Of these the fifth, Philip of Bresse, was 
always in rebellion against his parents, and at length he 
passed all bounds, burst into the chapel of Thonon 
with his escort while Mass was going on, and killed 
with his own hands the Duke's niaitre d'hotel, a. 
knight of St. Jean of Jerusalem. He also seized the 
Chancellor of Savoy, and in terror of his violence his 
father and mother made their escape to Geneva, where 
he pursued them. The unhappy Duchess never re- 
covered from the shock of that awful scene, and died of 
grief on November ii, 1462. Yolande, the sister of 
Louis XI, had married the eldest son of the Duke of 
Savoy, and it was she who appealed to her brother 
against her brother-in-law Philip. Louis wrote to her 
at once, asking her to come to Chambery with her 
father-in-law, the Duke of Savoy, and he would meet 
them on his return from Bayonne. He adds : *' In re- 
gard of what you tell me, that Philip of Savoy is going 
to Piedmont, and there might be danger, there is none, 
for wherever he may travel, I have the intention of 
going to seek him in person, if he does not obey my 
command sent him by the said * mareschal' " (Jean de 
Seyssel, mareschal de Savoie). 

Yolande of France is a most interesting personality. 
She was married at the age of seventeen to Amedee, 
called " le bienheureux," afterwards Duke of Savoy, 
and while he spent most of his time in devout medita- 
tion, she devoted herself nobly to the affairs of the 
country. When her husband, whose health was always 
delicate, wore himself out with mortifications of the 
flesh and pilgrimages, she ruled as Regent, with heroic 
courage under the most trying circumstances. This 

89 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

was not the only occasion when she needed the help of 
her brother the King of France. 

Louis did not waste time ; he contrived that his 
turbulent brother-in-law should be enticed to Chartres 
and then to Vierzon, where he was told that he was the 
King's prisoner, and was shut up in the castle of 
Loches. It was a strong measure which has been much 
blamed, but the young Prince had leisure to think over 
the error of his ways during his two years of imprison- 
ment, and later, in 147 1, he entered the service of 
Louis XI and was ever after one of his most faithful 
friends. Philip had many fine qualities which the King 
appreciated. He married Marguerite of Bourbon, and 
his son, Philibert-le-Beau, was the husband of Marguer- 
ite of Austria, while his daughter Louise was the mother 
of Francis I of France. 

Several letters of Louis XI have already prepared us 
for coming troubles between himself and the House of 
Burgundy ; like the far-off rumbling of distant thunder. 
There were various parties and constant dissensions at 
the Court of Duke Philip, whose ministers, the Croys, 
were all powerful with him, but his son, the Count of 
Charolois, was so bitterly opposed to them, that at last 
he sullenly withdrew to the castle of Gorcum in Holland. 
The most serious question in dispute appears to have 
been the desire of Louis XI to buy back the French 
towns on the Somme, which by the Treaty of Arras the 
Duke of Burgundy was bound to return on receipt of 
400,000 ecus d'or. Ever since his accession, this had 
been the one definite aim of the King of France, for he 
saw that there could be no safety for his kingdom while 
these frontier towns, the necessary defences of the 
capital, were in the hands of a rival sovereign. An 

90 



TROUBLES WITH BURGUNDY 

enormous sum was required, but Louis strained every 
nerve to obtain it, and we find him writing to all the 
loyal towns to grant him a subsidy, and on all sides 
borrowing large sums, which he scrupulously repaid 
later. Thus he begins his letter to the "consaulx" of 
Tournay. 

"Paris, 23 Augusty 1463. 

' ' De par le roy. 

" * Tres chiers et bien amez,' for the good and 
utility of our kingdom, . . . and to replace as best we 
can the things alienated by our predecessor, as at our 
anointing and coronation we swore and promised, we 
have determined presently to buy back and rejoin to 
our said dominion the towns, places, lands, and lord- 
ships of our country of Picardy, which ' feu nostre tres 
chier seigneur et pere (que Dieu absoille), bailla a nostre 
tres chier et tres-ame oncle le due de Bourgogne,' for 
the sum of 400,000 ecus, of which sum we have found 
means to have and take from our own savings, up to 
200,000 ecus. . . ." And he asks his faithful subjects to 
help with the remainder. 

On September 27, Louis paid a visit to the Duke 
of Burgundy at his favourite residence, the castle of 
Hesdin, where the arrangements already made by 
delegates on both sides were ratified, and the second 
half of the money was duly paid on October 8. We 
have full particulars as to the amount raised by the 
different towns, Tournay showing special zeal by con- 
tributing 20,000 ecus. The meeting between Louis XI 
and his uncle appears to have been very friendly, and 
they even talked about the old Duke setting forth on 
a crusade which Pius II was eagerly suggesting. 
Antoine de Croy, who had done so much to smooth the 

91 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

way for the ransom of the Somme towns, was richly 
rewarded by the King of France who, as Michelet says, 
was too poor to buy himself a new hat, and could yet 
raise so great a sum as 400,000 ecus for the sake of his 
country. 

A truce had been made with England, and, with the 
help of Philip, it was prolonged until May i, 1464. 
But Edward is chary of his concessions, for in pro- 
claiming the truce he still calls himself " King of Eng- 
land and of France." Louis wrote from Hesdin to the 
Duke of Brittany to announce this truce with Eng- 
land, and incidentally remarks that it will be good 
"for the succour of Christendom and the expulsion of 
the Turk, enemy of the Faith." 

Charles of Burgundy, Count of Charolois, was 
furious at the result of the negotiations, as he had 
always strongly opposed the return of the towns of the 
Somme, and he resolved to make a desperate effort to 
destroy the influence of the Croys and to turn his 
father against Louis. He took advantage of the 
presence of a spy (the Bastard of Rubempre) at 
Gorcum to persuade the poor old Duke that the King 
of France had designs on them both, and Philip, in 
alarm, gave orders for his departure secretly, in the 
night, to Lille. The Croys were in despair, for the 
reconciliation, by any means, of Charles and his father 
would be their ruin. 

It is at this point that begin the chronicles of Philip 
de Commines, who entered the service of Charles 
Count of Charolois at the age of seventeen. ''About 
three days after my arrival at Lille, the Count d'Eu, 
the Chancellor of France, Morvilliers, and the Arch- 
bishop of Narbonne came there as ambassadors for the 

92 



TOWNS ON THE SOMME RECOVERED 

King of France. . . . Morvillier accused the Count of 
Charolois of having caused a small man-of-war of 
Dieppe to be seized, in which was the Bastard of 
Rubempre, whom he also caused to be imprisoned on 
pretence that his design was to have surprised and 
carried him to France. ..." Duke Philip having 
replied that he would make inquiry, Morvillier com- 
plained that Charles of Charolois had conspired with 
the Duke of Bretagne against the King of France. . . . 
The next day, Charles, ''kneeling on a velvet cushion 
before his father," made answer to this charge, and 
defended himself, and the embassy was dismissed with 
apparent courtesy, although Charles managed to give 
a Parthian thrust in his farewell words to the Arch- 
bishop: ** Recommend me very humbly to the good 
grace of the King, and tell him that ' il m'a fait bien 
laver ' by the Chancellor, but before the year is out he 
shall repent it." This message was given to the King 
which " bred a mortal hatred between th^m," the more 
so as Charles was very bitter about the redemption of 
the much disputed towns on the Somme — Amiens, 
Abbeville, St. Quentin, Roye, Montdidier, Corbie, and 
others. "The Count of Charolois charged the whole 
matter upon the house of Croy, and his father being in 
extreme old age, he drove from the palace the aforesaid 
lords, and took from them all the places and things 
which they held in their hands." This would be after 
the Duke fell ill at Brussels the following March, when 
his son ruled the duchy, the banished Croys taking 
refuge in France. 

On June 7th, 1464, Louis writes to the Duke of 
Burgundy — still his *' tres chier et tres ame oncle " — to 
propose that a conference should be held in Paris on 

93 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

the 8th September following to settle any difficulties 
between them. There is also on the same date a letter 
from him written at Roye (one of the Somme towns) 
to the Duke of Brittany, announcing that the truce 
with England has been prolonged until October ist 
of the current year. The King writes again a week 
later to complain that some English vessels have been 
taken by Breton corsairs in defiance of the truce, and he 
demands that they shall receive redress and reparation. 
But the Duke evidently gives some trouble about the 
matter, for the King has to write five more letters on 
the subject, pointing out that both as a kinsman and 
a subject, Fran9ois of Brittany is included in the truce. 
However, on the last day of July we find a pardon 
granted to Jean de Launay, the Breton pirate, who has 
confessed his fault and made amends. Louis at that 
moment was extremely anxious to keep on good terms 
with England, as there was a project of marriage 
between Edward IV and Bona of Savoy, a young sister 
of Queen Charlotte, set on foot by the Earl of Warwick. 
In point of fact, Edward IV had already secretly married 
for love Elisabeth Woodville, daughter of Jacqueline 
of Luxembourg, who had been Duchess of Bedford. 
This was an act of blind imprudence on his part, and 
probably cost him his throne in the end. He did not 
acknowledge her publicly as his queen until the follow- 
ing Michaelmas. 

His father-in-law, Louis Duke of Savoy, being old 
and incapable, Louis XI felt himself responsible for 
arranging the marriages of his wife's sisters, and he 
now suggested to the Duke of Milan that his son, 
Galeazzo Maria, should marry Bona of Savoy. After 
much negotiation this alliance took place some years 

94 



CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE KING 

afterwards. Her sister Marie became the wife of the 
Constable of St. Pol. On the 19th of May of this year 
(1464) a second daughter had been born to Queen 
Charlotte at Nogent-le-Roi ; she received the name 
of Jeanne, and was at once promised in marriage to 
the two-year-old son of Charles of Orleans and Marie 
of Cleves, afterwards Louis XII. 

We have now reached a most critical point in the 
history of Louis XI, when he gradually became aware 
that a great conspiracy was being formed against him 
of most of his powerful vassals, with Charles of Burgundy 
and the dukes of Brittany and Bourbon at its head. It 
was a time of terrible anxiety and suspense, for although 
the King could almost watch the league growing under 
his eyes, he had no certain knowledge as to which 
of the men whom he had loaded with benefits would 
remain faithful to him. The attitude of the Duke 
of Brittany had long been hostile to the King of France, 
and he would willingly have transferred his allegiance 
to Edward IV. Meanwhile his Court had become the 
refuge of all the enemies of Louis XL The nobles as 
a class could not forgive his interference with what they 
considered their rights ; they found themselves as much 
subject to law as the poorest serf; they were called 
upon to pay all feudal dues and even compelled to bear 
their share in taxation. The King had actually asserted 
that hunting was a royal privilege, possibly with the 
intention of raising money for licences, as well as 
limiting the injury caused to agriculture and the tyranny 
inflicted on the peasants by the game-laws. 

It is well to mention that Louis himself was so 
anxious not to give any cause of complaint while enjoy- 
ing his favourite sport that we find in his accounts such 

95 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

entries as these : '' One crown to a poor man whose dog 
had been taken ; one crown to a poor woman at Vire 
whose sheep had been strangled by harriers ; one 
crown to another whose goose had been killed near 
Blois by a dog ; one crown to a poor man whose corn 
had been trampled near le Mans ; one crown to a poor 
woman whose cat had been killed by harriers near 
Montlouis, in going from Tours to Amboise." Still, we 
can understand the irritation of a medieval country 
gentleman when there was any fear of his only pastime, 
the exclusive privilege of his order, being interfered 
with. He would be wretched indeed without his hunt- 
ing, his hounds, and his hawks ! We can scarcely 
wonder that discontent spread far and wide. The 
clergy, too, had their grievances, and their loyalty could 
not be relied upon. Louis XI had required from them, 
on pain of confiscation, an exact account and descrip- 
tion of their possessions and of the title by which they 
were held ; and this they felt was threatening and 
dangerous to their interests. The University of Paris 
was aggrieved by the creation of provincial universities, 
and even the Parlement of Paris was indignant that a 
rival tribunal should have been established at Bor- 
deaux. 

The King of France, in his anxiety for peace, sum- 
moned a great conference at Tours to discuss the 
position. The Duke of Burgundy was represented by 
the Bishop of Tournay and the Sire de Crequi. There 
were also present Charles Duke of Berry the King's 
brother, King Rene Duke of Anjou and Provence, 
his brother Charles Count of Maine, Charles Duke of 
Orleans, Jean II, Duke of Bourbon ; the counts of 
Dunois, of Nevers, of Penthievre, of Boulogne, of Foix, 



CONFERENCE AT TOURS 

of St. Pol, and many others. After the Chancellor had 
opened the meeting, the King made a most eloquent 
speech. He insisted on the necessity of complete 
union between himself and the great lords, who were 
the true columns of the monarchy. They have mutual 
obligations. . . . He tells the story of his life, his early 
poverty . . . the kind reception of his uncle, the Duke 
of Burgundy, to whom he expresses his gratitude. On 
his accession he had found the country in the deepest 
poverty. . . . He thanks God that he has been able to 
raise it to its present state of prosperity; and after Provi- 
dence, he owes this happiness to the. support, the zeal, 
and the love of the princes of the blood and the nobles. 
They must help him to support the weight of the 
crown. What can a prince do without the heart of his 
subjects? . . . He explains his political aims, and 
regrets that the Duke of Brittany is not present. ... 

Rene, King of Sicily, as the doyen of the assembly, 
was chosen to reply, and his speech was a complete act 
of submission on behalf of all present ; with one voice 
they added, turning to the King: "We will serve 
you ; we will all live and die with you against the 
world." So they cried, and yet within a few months 
they fought against him at Montl'hery ! 

Louis thanked them for their goodwill, and then the 
old Duke of Orleans rose and made excuse for his 
kinsman, the absent Duke of Brittany. He may have 
argued with poetic inconsequence, that rebellion was 
no crime, but merely a picturesque assertion of inde- 
pendence. The King in a moment of annoyance, spoke 
a few sharp words of rebuke, and it so happened that 
within a fortnight of this occurrence, Charles of Orleans 
died at the age of seventy-four. Although his end was 
H 97 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

by no means premature for a man who had endured so 
many vicissitudes, who had been taken prisoner at 
Agincourt and had remaind in captivity for twenty-five 
years — yet some have attributed his death to grief and 
mortification. His son Louis, the future King of 
France, was a child of three, and he also left two 
daughters ; one was Abbess of Fontevrault, and the 
other married Jean Viscount of Narbonne, and was 
the mother of Gaston of Orleans. Like Ren6 of Anjou, 
Charles was a poet, and his light rondels give lyrical 
expression to his own feelings, and are rich with quaint 
conceits and gems of fancy. His work almost marks 
an epoch in the literary history of the first dawn of the 
Renaissance. After his return from his long captivity, 
he held a Court of song at Blois, amid gay knights and 
ladies, and light-hearted merry friends such as the 
vagrant Villon ; he took delightful journeys in the 
glowing springtide of the year ; he went floating down 
the sunny Loire in a barge, playing chess in the 
pavilion ; and as the years glided away, he scarcely 
noted how the world had changed. He was always 
ready to plead for a friend who had inadvertently got 
mixed up with treason, and when in his genial romantic 
style he took up the defence of the Duke of Brittany 
at Tours, he never dreamt that the King was in such 
deadly earnest. So he went homeward, sad and 
puzzled, somewhat broken with age, and maybe then 
wrote his courtly farewell: "Saluez moy toute la 
compagnie "; for so ended his last " melodious rondel." 



98 



CHAPTER VI 
1465 

"LiGUE Du BiEN Public" Against Louis XI— Battle 
OF Montl'h^ry — Treaty of Conflans — Recovery of 
Normandy by the King— Friendship of Louis with 
THE Duke of Milan— Anne of France betrothed 
TO Nicholas of Calabria. 

At length the blow fell, and the first deadly stroke was 
from the hand of the King's own brother. Louis XI 
was at Poitiers, on his way to a pilgrimage at Notre 
Dame du Pont, when on the morning of Monday, 
March 4, 1465, Charles suggested that he would go 
hunting instead. The two brothers appeared to be on 
the most friendly terms, as the young Duke of Berry 
had just received an addition of 10,000 livres to his 
pension. Half an hour after the royal party had left, 
Charles hastily joined the ambassador of the Duke of 
Brittany : all preparations were made for his flight, and 
he was soon out of reach of pursuit. The foolish lad of 
eighteen, vain and frivolous, had been persuaded to 
join his brother's enemies and put himself at the head of 
the League " du Bien public" against him. 

This cruel desertion took the King by surprise, and 
was perhaps the most bitter experience of his life, as we 
find from the many letters which he wrote to announce 
the flight of Charles Duke of Berry. He tells the 

99 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

mayors, aldermen, and bourgeois of Amiens, of Rheims, 
of Abbeville, of Lyons, of Auxerre, of St. Quentin, and 
many others, and exhorts them all to remain faithful to 
him, as they have always been and as he puts his trust 
in them. Yet he was destined to find that in the hour 
of his deepest need he stood alone in tragic isolation, 
for the burghers, on whom he relied and for whom 
he had done so much, maintained a strict neutrality 
and watched the death-struggle of the Crown with the 
indifference of mere spectators. Louis had not yet 
fully realized the extent of the disaster which had come 
upon him ; for instance, he still believed in the loyalty 
of the Duke of Bourbon, and wrote thus to him : — 

*' Mon frere [Jean II had married Jeanne de France, 
the sister of Louis], lundi, je parti d'icy au matin pour 
aler fere mon voyage a Notre Dame du Pont, et d^s 
que je feuz parti, demye heure apr^s, mon frere de 
Berry s'en partit sans mon S9eu, et Ten mena Odet 
d'Aidie, et est ale en Bretaigne, et ne say qui I'a meu a 
cecy. Or 9a, se il a bien fait, il le trouvera. Je vous 
prie, que sur tout le plaisir et service que jamais me 
voulez faire, que incontinent ces lettres veues, vous 
monties a cheval et vous en venez devers moy, et ne me 
vueillez faillir, et vous prie que faictes mettre sus cent 
lances de voz pais, et laissez le bastard pour ce faire, et 
vous en venez incontinent, et quant vos gens seront 
prestz, je les feray paier, et a Dieu. Escript de ma 
main. Et croyez Josselin de ce qu'il vous dira de 
ma part. — Loys." 

(My brother, I set forth from here in the morning on 
my journey to Notre Dame du Pont, and as soon as 
I had started, half an hour after, my brother of Berry 



FLIGHT OF CHARLES OF FRANCE 

set off without my knowledge, and was led away by 
Odet d'Aidie, and is gone to Brittany, and I do not 
know who has moved him to do this. *'Or 9a," if he 
has done well he will find it so. I beg of you, by all 
the pleasure and service you would ever bestow on me, 
that immediately on seeing these letters you will mount 
on horseback and come to me at once, and do not fail 
me, and I beg of you to make ready a hundred lances 
of your country, leave the Bastard to do this, but you 
come at once, and when your men are ready I will have 
them paid, and Adieu. Written by my hand. And 
believe Josselin in all that he will tell you from me. — 

LOYS.) 

The Duke's reply to this appeal was a public letter, 
in which he announced that he and the other princes 
had taken a vow to compel the King to reform the 
Government and redress the grievances of the nation. 

Louis had also written to the Duke of Burgundy, but 
the old man was now completely under the control 
of his son Charles, whose only answer to the courtesy 
of the King of France was at once to demand subsidies 
from the states of Burgundy, and to order the feudal 
levies to be under arms by the beginning of May. At 
the same time news reached Louis that Dammartin had 
escaped from the Bastille, and with the help of the 
Bastard of Bourbon, had seized Bourges and was call- 
ing the nobles of Berry to arms. 

All things were against him, but in the hour of ad- 
versity Louis XI always showed true greatness. He 
at once caused letters to be published through the 
kingdom, in which he proved how little the princes 
combined against him had ever cared for " le Bien 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

public," or for anything but their own interests. The 
country had been at peace in his reign and trade 
protected ; now it would be laid waste by fire and 
sword. Doubtless many had been led astray by fine 
words ; let them return to their allegiance within six 
weeks, and they should have free pardon. 

The King then prepared to defend himself against 
the dangers which threatened on every side. His chief 
hope was in the difficulties and delays which must 
attend the combined action of feudal armies, and he 
lost no time in seeking to secure the defence of Paris, 
sending two of his most trusted servants, Charles de 
Melun and Bishop Balue, to see to the fortifications and 
the garrison. The Count du Maine was to oppose the 
advance of the Dukes of Brittany and Berry, while 
Louis himself hoped, with his well-trained "francs- 
archers " and artillery, to overcome the Duke of Bourbon 
and the rebels of the south, and then, by a rapid return 
to the north, to defeat the men of Burgundy before they 
could join the Bretons. This was excellent strategy ; 
and before the end of May, Louis was in possession 
of the greater part of the Bourbonnais, of Auvergne, 
and of Berry ; while the provinces of Guienne and 
Languedoc, also the counts of Foix and Comminges, 
were loyal, and there was every hope that the royal 
forces might be concentrated on the Somme before the 
army of Burgundy had crossed the frontier. 

At this critical moment, the unlooked-for treachery of 
the Duke of Nemours was a terrible blow, and the 
defection of the Duke of Alen9on, Dunois, and above 
all of Jean of Calabria was enough to crush a weaker 
man, but Louis rose to the occasion, and with splendid 
energy he crossed the Allier, took Gannat by storm. 



TREACHERY OF THE NOBLES 

and so alarmed the rebels in that part that they signed 
a promise to lay down their arms and send envoys to 
negotiate. But much precious time had been lost ; it 
was no longer possible for the King to meet his foes 
on the frontiers, and it was very doubtful if he could 
reach his capital in time to save it. 

Meantime Charles Count of Charolois had taken the 
field with an army of 1400 lances, 8000 archers, and a 
host of light-armed troops, cross-bowmen and others. 
The forces of the King could not be more than 14,000 
men all told, but they were in splendid discipline and 
their military experience was far greater than that of 
the Burgundians, who appear to have met with scarcely 
any opposition on their way to Paris, as Crevecoeur 
and Arleux were retaken almost without resistance, and 
Nesle, Roye, Montdidier, and Brai also surrendered. 
It is interesting to follow the whole course of this cam- 
paign in the letters of Louis XI, who constantly writes 
to all his captains and gives the most minute directions 
on every point. At the beginning of June, his sister, 
Jeanne Duchess of Bourbon, wishes to meet him with 
her mother-in-law, Agnes of Bourbon, sister of Duke 
Philip of Burgundy, and the King sends an urgent 
message to his steward: "Pour ce que je suis main- 
tenant fort ocupe, comme vous savez, je vous prye, si 
vous me voulez james faire service ne plaisir, que vous 
trouvez fasson, par bonne maniere et comme de vous, 
que ne viengnent point, et s'ilz ont aucune chose a 
besongner devers moy, qu'ils y envoyent, et que feray 
tellement qu'ilz devront estre contens. Mes faictes le 
si sagement, et par telle fasson, qu'ilz ne congnoissent 
point que j'en sache rien." 

This is a very good specimen of the shrewd di- 

103 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

plomacy of Louis. But his sister was more than a 
match for him, as she managed to have the inter- 
view and tried to make terms for her husband. How- 
ever, the negotiations came to an abrupt end, and 
before the end of the month the Duke of Bourbon 
abruptly joined the King's enemies. 

The friendship of Louis with the Duke of Milan 
proved useful to him now, as his son, Galeazzo Maria 
Sforza, came to his help with looo lances and 2000 
archers, and was appointed lieutenant of the King in 
Lyonnais and Dauphine. Having made all arrange- 
ments for the security of these provinces, the royal 
army proceeded on its march to Paris. One of his 
most devoted captains, Joachim Rouhault, entered the 
city with no lances, only just in time, as the army 
of Burgundy had already reached St. Denis, and the 
arrival of the dukes of Brittany and Berry was hourly 
expected. The King's army had approached by forced 
marches, but his wish was to avoid a battle if possible, 
and to throw himself into his capital. However, he 
found that Charles of Burgundy had already crossed 
the Oise and would seek to bar his way. Louis sent 
repeated orders to Charles de Melun, the Governor of 
Paris, to send out men and threaten the enemy's rear, 
but his action was so weak and cowardly at the critical 
moment that there can be little doubt of his treachery. 
Indeed, in that hour of peril the King knew not whom 
he could trust, for his dearest friend might betray him 
at any moment. 

Under these circumstances was fought the famous 
battle of Montl'hery, on Tuesday, July 16, 1465, "when 
the two hosts both fancied themselves beaten." So 
many different accounts have been given of this en- 

104 



BATTLE OF MONTL'HERY 

gagement that we may select the story told by Louis 
XI himself, his own war correspondent, from the various 
letters he at once wrote to his chief cities : Lyons, 
Amboise, Beauvais, Poitiers, Troyes, and others. 

^^Deparle roy. Corbeil, i^ Jtullet, 1465. 

"'Chiers et bien amez,' yesterday, at about two 
hours after dinner, the counts of Charolois, of St. Pol, 
Atof of Cleves . . . and all their men of war, being 
near Montl'hery, fortified by their chariots, * fossez, 
ribaudequins,' and other artillery, we were advised to 
assail and combat them, and so it was done. And 
thanks to God, we had the better of it, and the victory 
was for us, and two or three times the said Count of 
Charolois fled and the greater part of his men, and the 
said Count of St. Pol . . . and we remained on the 
field till the setting sun, and then came to Corbeil, and 
our army. ... 

''(Paris, July 20.) There were fourteen or fifteen 
hundred dead, and three or four hundred prisoners, 
and afterwards more than two thousand dead or taken 
who fled towards the bridge of St. Cloud. We have 
also recovered our town of Lagny, and the bridge of 
St. Maxence (on the Oise), where four or five hundred 
were taken or killed ; whence the counts of Charolois 
and St. Pol have departed and have burnt a great 
number of their chariots. And afterwards we retired 
to this our good city of Paris, where the greater part 
of our men-at-arms and captains of war have joined 
us . . . and the said Charolois has retired to join our 
brother of Berry and the Bretons, who are disposed to 
draw towards the marches of Normandy. ..." The 

105 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

King bids his faithful subjects make good defence and 
he will come to their help. 

From other sources we learn that Charles of Bur- 
gundy was in great danger at one time ; he was 
wounded in the throat and only saved by the gallant 
devotion of one of his esquires. But the fortune of 
war changed, and the King — who was now almost in 
sole command, as Pierre de Breze was killed — had a 
narrow escape, as his reserve sent by Charles de Melun 
forsook him and fled. Commines remarks at this point 
that "the greatest thing in the world for battles is to 
have thousands of archers. In a small number, they 
are of no use." It was the Scotch guard which 
escorted the King to the castle of Montl'hery, while 
Charles of Burgundy remained on the field of battle 
in great anxiety, expecting another attack at any 
moment, and at daybreak he set off towards Etampes. 
The battle of Montl'hery was a very doubtful triumph 
for either side, although the losses of the men of Bur- 
gundy were much greater than those of Louis, who 
was successful in his plan of entering Paris. Those 
who fled from both armies spread reports, on one side 
that Charles was killed, and on the other that the King 
of France was slain or captured. 

When the defences of Paris were well secured, 
Louis wrote at once to convoke the nobles and "francs- 
archers " from the counties which were faithful to him 
and to his good cities of Rheims, of Troyes, of Abbe- 
ville, Lyons, and others, to see well to their garrisons 
and to be of good cheer. He also made the Count 
d'Eu Governor of Paris, and appointed Charles de 
Melun Captain of Evreux and Honfleur. We have 
no means of knowing how far he was then under 

1 06 



PARIS IN DANGER 

suspicion. Meantime, the Count of Charolois and 
the dukes of Brittany and Berry had united their 
forces at Etampes, but already there was distrust and 
jealousy amongst them, and Charles of Berry aroused 
the contempt of his more hardened companions by 
deploring the number of wounded and slain in this 
war. However, all the princes left Etampes together 
in outward amity, and after some delay they crossed 
the Seine by a bridge of boats, and were scarcely 
encamped when Jean Duke of Calabria arrived with 
a good body of horse, a small company of Italians 
in complete armour, four hundred cross-bow men from 
the Count Palatine, and five hundred Swiss infantry, 
the first seen in France. Louis had made a last 
attempt to recall his old friend Jean to his allegiance, 
and his father Rene had also written a touching letter 
recalling all that the King had done for him. But 
the Duke of Calabria was too much involved to draw 
back now, and he was also greatly attracted by the 
reckless courage of Charles of Burgundy. 

On August lo, Louis had gone to Normandy to 
collect forces there, and his combined enemies lost no 
time in trying to persuade the citizens to submission. 
A deputation headed by the Bishop went to Beaute-sur- 
Marne, and they were disposed to agree that the 
princes should be admitted into the city with a small 
escort. This would have been a fatal move, and the 
Count d'Eu made so formidable a demonstration with 
his men-at-arms, that the envoys were obliged to put 
off any decision until the good pleasure of the King 
should be known. On the 28th August, Louis re- 
turned from Normandy, after seventeen days absence, 
with twelve thousand men, some artillery, sixty 

107 



*!*»'; 

■'i? 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

chariots of powder, and seven hundred muids (one 
muid is about fifty bushels) of flour. The King was 
received with the greatest acclamations, and the be- 
sieged were now able to make sorties and capture 
prisoners. The experience of Louis at Montl'hery 
made him unwilling to risk a general engagement, 
and he was quite willing to listen to terms of peace. 
But the allies made exorbitant demands, such as 
giving the Duke of Berry Guienne with Saintonge 
and Poitou, or Normandy, and even after a personal 
interview between Louis and Charles of Burgundy 
all hope of settlement was given up. 

As the days passed on, the situation became more 
serious. The country round Paris was laid waste 
by the beleaguering army, more especially by the ill- 
paid and rapacious bands of Armagnac and Nemours ; 
while the presence of so many soldiers in Paris was 
a severe trial to the inhabitants. News of treachery 
constantly arrived ; one day it was that Pontoise had 
been sold by its governor, another that the gates of 
the Bastille had been left open and the canon spiked. 
Fortunately the watch had been doubled, and fires 
had been lighted in the streets to guard against a 
night surprise — contrary to the advice of Charles de 
Melun, whose father was in command of the Bastille. 
On September 27, there came tidings that Rouen had 
been betrayed by the widow of Pierre de Breze, and 
the gates opened to the Duke of Bourbon ; Caen had 
yielded after three days of siege, . . . Disasters 
everywhere. 

" Entre tous les princes que j'ai cognus, le plus saige 
pour se tirer d'un mauvais pas, c'etait le roi Louis XI 
nostre maitre," says Commines. The King knew when 

108 



TREATY OF CONFLANS 

to yield ; he bent low before the storm, and resolved 
to make peace at any price. '' II aima mieux eteindre 
le feu de cette division du ' Bien Public' par I'argent, 
que dans le sang et dans les larmes de ses sujets." 
Charles of Burgundy was quite willing to treat with 
him, for his army was ill-supplied with provisions, and 
there was ever-growing discord amongst the allies. 
The soldiers were in constant expectation of attack, and 
there is a legend of their mistaking a field of tall thistles 
for a company of hostile lances. A truce was pro- 
claimed on October ist, and the rest of the month 
was spent in negotiations. The story is told of a 
meeting between the two Princes under the walls of 
Paris, when Charles found that he had inadvertently 
placed himself in the power of Louis, who took no 
advantage of it. But this incident is not well au- 
thenticated. 

One treaty was signed at St. Maur, and another at 
Conflans ; almost all the demands of the confederates 
appear to have been granted, and we are amazed at the 
concessions to which Louis submitted. Every traitor 
appears to be richly rewarded in lands, honours, and 
money for his evil doing. 

The Duke of Berry receives the duchy of Normandy 
. . . and other concessions. 

Charles of Burgundy receives Amiens and the other 
towns on the Somme which Louis had recently made 
such tremendous sacrifices to buy back ; all the lands 
of Ponthieu and Vimeu . . . ; also Peronne, Roye, 
Boulogne, and Montdidier. 

The Duke of Calabria receives Mouzon, Sainte- 
Menehould, Neufchatel, and other estates, besides 
1,000,000 ecus d'or. Also on his account the King 

109 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

renounces his alliance with Metz and with Ferdinand 
of Aragon. 

The Duke of Brittany receives the counties of 
Etampes and Montfort, and the sovereign rights which 
he claims. 

The Duke of Bourbon receives several lordships in 
Auvergne, 100,000 ecus, the pay of 300 lances, and 
other concessions. 

The Duke of Nemours receives the government 
of Paris and the Isle-de-France, a pension, and the 
pay of 200 lances. 

The Count of St. Pol is appointed Constable of 
France. 

The counts of Armagnac, of Dunois, of Dammartin, 
and many other rebels recover all their places and 
possessions, with large gifts of money. 

As for the " Bien Public," which was supposed to be 
the cause of the rebellion, a clause is inserted that 
a commission shall be appointed to inquire into abuses 
that they may be remedied by new edicts. 

If the unfortunate people of France had formed any 
expectations from this league of "le Bien Public," they 
were cruelly undeceived when they found that all these 
extortionate claims of the nobles would have to be paid 
by their taxes. The King made no vain complaints ; 
he behaved to his triumphant foes with quiet courtesy, 
and bore with silent courage the apparent ruin of all his 
hopes for the unity and greatness of his kingdom. 
The grasping crew of rebels hastily dispersed to take 
possession of their gains, with no aim in common but 
to found so many isolated despotisms, where they 
would be petty sovereigns independent of all control. 

Louis had signed the treaty extorted from him under 



LOUIS WARNS THE MEN OF LIEGE 

a solemn protest, while the Parliament and theChambre 
des Comptes protested that Normandy was the inalien- 
able appanage of the Crown, and that they only regis- 
tered the illegal treaty under compulsion. The men 
of Burgundy were, however, the first to break the 
conventions by surprising Peronne and taking the 
Count of Nevers prisoner ; they also summoned Beau- 
vais to surrender, whereupon the Bishop, Jean de Bar, 
and the bourgeois sent the written summons to the 
King, who showed it to Charles of Burgundy : " Since 
we have made peace, you no doubt agree with me that 
we must observe it," was his remark. On the 21st 
of October we find him writing to the men of Li6ge 
and sending a special ambassador to tell them of the 
peace and beg them to cease all hostilities. He well 
knows what "dear and special friends" they have been 
to him ''et de tres bon coeur vous en mercions. Toutes- 
voyes veu que I'appoinctement est prins entre nous 
et . . . bel oncle de Bourgoingne et beau fr^re de 
Charolois, et que audit) appoinctement (vous) estes 
comprins comme noz bons especiaulx amis, et comme 
nous avons fait a tous noz autres alliez et adherens, 
nous vous prions que vueilliez deporter et desister 
de la guerre que avez encommenchie es pais de nosdiz 
oncle et beau-frere. Et, quant ainsy ne se feroit, veu 
que de present la guerre cesse par de9a, et qu'il y a 
appoinctemens entre nous et les dessusdiz, seroit h. 
doubter que grosse armee et puissance de gens tombast 
sur vostre pais, dont grans inconveniens pourroient 
ensuir, et k quoi seroit difficile chose a vous de y 
resister, et a nous de vous y secourir. Pourquoy 
vueilliez avoir sur ce bon avis et accepter de vostre 
part ledit appoinctement, ainsy que plus a plain avons 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

chargie le sire de Saincte Camelle de vous dire et ex- 
poser. Donne k Paris, le XXP jour d'octobre. — Loys." 

(We thank you with all our heart. . . . Seeing that 
a treaty is made between our fair uncle of Burgundy 
and our brother-in-law of Charolois, and that you are 
included in the said treaty as our good and special 
friends [Art. I of Treaty of Conflans says : ** all hostili- 
ties will cease between the said lords, their vassals, 
and their allies and adherents of whatever condition 
they are, within the kingdom and without . . ."], as we 
have done to our other allies and adherents, we beg 
that you will draw back and desist from the war which 
you have begun in the land of our said uncle and 
brother-in-law. And in case this is not done, seeing 
that at present the war ceases over here, and that there 
is a treaty between us and the aforesaid, it is to be 
feared that a great army and power of men will fall 
upon your land, from which great inconvenience may 
ensue, and which it will be a difficult thing for you 
to resist and for us to help you in so doing. Wherefore 
I pray you to take this good advice and accept on your 
part the said treaty, as we have charged the Sire de 
Camelle more plainly to tell and explain to you. Given 
at Paris, the 21st October. — Loys.) 

"A nos tr^s grans, anchiens et especiaulz amis les 
maistres jurez et conseil de la cite et pais de Liege." 

We see that it was not for lack of warning that the 
men of Liege continued their opposition to the Duke of 
Burgundy. Had they only listened to the wise advice 
given in this letter, they would not have drawn down 
upon themselves the terrible vengeance of Charles of 
Burgundy, two years later. 



CHARLES OF FRANCE OBTAINS NORMANDY 

On October 30, after the King had received hom- 
age from his brother Charles at Vincennes for the 
duchy of Normandy, the peace was proclaimed in 
Paris at ten o'clock at night in these words : " Between 
the King, Monsieur Duke of Normandy, and other 
princes of the blood, as well for their followers and 
their allies on both sides, the war ceases ; peace is 
made. ..." Charles of Burgundy departed at once, 
and was well received everywhere in France by the 
King's orders ; he hastened to take possession of the 
towns of Picardy, to their great discontent ; and v/ith- 
out going to see his father, Duke Philip, who was in 
failing health, or his young daughter Marie, whose 
mother had died during his absence, he at once pro- 
ceeded to attack the men of Liege. 

Meantime Louis was fully occupied in carrying out 
the various concessions he had promised, making 
changes in the Government, settling about the taxes, 
giving a fresh charter to Paris, and rewarding his faith- 
ful followers, to one of whom, Louis de Bourbon, he 
gave his illegitimate daughter Jeanne in marriage. 
The King was at Orleans at the end of November 
when he received a message from his brother Charles, 
who complained of his position in his new dukedom. 
Louis turned to the Duke of Bourbon who was with 
him, and remarked that he should be obliged to give 
help to his brother, ''perhaps even to take back that 
duchy of Normandy." This is what had happened. 
Besides the general discontent at being separated from 
France, there was discord between the Normans and 
Bretons, while every one was full of ambitious hopes of 
place and power, which it was impossible for the young 
Duke to satisfy. The people of Rouen were told that 
I 113 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Charles was a prisoner in the hands of Fran9ois of 
Brittany, and they sallied out in force to rescue him, 
whereupon the indignant Bretons took possession of 
the chief towns of Lower Normandy : Caen, Bayeux, 
Coutances, Avranches, and others. This was the 
King's opportunity, and after endowing Masses at the 
cathedral, he left Orleans and went to Chartres, but he 
did not keep an appointment which he made to meet 
his brother at Louviers. Thomas Basin, Bishop of 
Lisieux (afterwards his chronicler and one of his most 
bitter enemies), was with Charles, having been one of 
the first to pay homage to him. Louis reached Caen 
on December 19, and a few days later concluded a 
private treaty with the Duke of Brittany, in which 
Fran9ois promises not to receive or help any malcon- 
tents, and to remain neutral on receipt of 150,000 ecus. 
*'A11 that the King loves, we will love; all that dis- 
pleases him, will displease us . . .," said the Duke. 

Louis XI on his side made other concessions ; his 
plans were already arranged for this great purpose, 
the re-conquest of Normandy, and while awaiting 
the rest of his army he marched to Louviers, which 
surrendered to him on the most favourable conditions. 
From this city he wrote on January 4 to the Vicomte 
de Conches, to order a supply of " houectes et 
piquois " (hoes and spades) and a number of work- 
men and pioneers, who will be duly paid. "Take 
care that you do not fail, inasmuch as you fear to 
displease us and incur our indignation." On the next 
day, the King writes to his good subjects of Lyons 
to justify to them his occupation of Normandy. The 
letter is extremely interesting, but it is too long to 
quote in full. He begins by speaking of the ''divisions 

114 



NORMANDY RECOVERED 

and differences " in the kingdom, how he was com- 
pelled to give up the duchy of Normandy to his 
brother Charles, many of the cities and fortresses 
having been already usurped ; greatly against his 
will, and the ordonnance and constitutions of the 
Kings of France he had yielded it, for never had 
brother of a king received that duchy. ... At his 
coronation he had sworn to protect the rights of the 
Crown, and had always meant to restore to it the 
duchy, from which it should never be parted, as he 
had made express protestation at the time of the 
treaty. For these causes ... he had oeen advised 
by men of note, princes of the blood, and others to 
enter Normandy, and to restore to the Crown of France 
its lawful property. . . . '' Having come to the said 
land of Normandy, in the greater part we have been 
received with all obedience by the inhabitants, as 
natural sovereign and rightful lord, and we hope so 
to pursue the thing, by the help of God, that it may 
be fully accomplished." Then Louis adds that, as 
some people might be surprised {esmerveilles)^ he 
thought it well to write to all the chief towns of the 
kingdom and explain his conduct. Also with regard 
to his brother, he intends to give him a "grant, bon 
et notable appanage," greater than any only brother 
of a king has ever had, with which he ought to be 

content 

Charles of France, deserted by the Duke of Brittany, 
appealed to Charles of Burgundy, whose ambassadors 
readily received the King's explanations. Louis offered 
his brother the county of Roussillon, where he would 
be at a safe distance from his confederates, and while 
Charles was considering this, the gates of Rouen were 

"5 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

opened to the King on the promise of a free pardon, 
from which only six of the leading rebels were ex- 
cepted. Normandy was now completely recovered, 
and proclamation was made that it was once more 
and inseparably united to the Crown of France. In 
this campaign the King showed clemency to many 
who had opposed him : even the widow of Pierre de 
Breze, who had betrayed Rouen, was forgiven. But 
he was implacable against those who still thought to 
deceive him ; some were beheaded and others drowned 
in the Loire. The castle of Chaumont, belonging 
to Pierre d'Amboise, who had joined the League, was 
burnt and levelled with the ground, but when Pierre 
made due submission, the King built up his castle 
again with his own money. 

Charles of France, who had found a retreat with the 
Duke of Brittany, refused Roussillon, and asked for 
Champagne and le Vermandois, or else the duchy 
of Berry with Poitou and Saintonge. He was a 
foolish incapable young fellow, who took advantage 
of his brief reign in Normandy to waste a large sum 
of public money in luxury and dissipation. He per- 
sistently appealed for help to Charles of Burgundy, 
who sent another embassy, to whom Louis pointed 
out that Liege and Dinant ought to profit by the 
treaty of Conflans, as it included the allies on both 
sides, and that to attack those cities was to violate 
the peace. (Was he not aware that he had done so 
himself, in re-conquering Normandy?) Louis had just 
cause of complaint against his uncle the Comte du 
Maine, who had secretly taken part with the Duke 
of Nemours, and had been more than suspected of 
treachery at Montl'hery. His bpother, Renie of Anjou, 

ii6 



DEATH OF THE DUKE OF MILAN 

pleaded for him in vain ; he was deprived of the 
government of Languedoc, which was given to the 
Duke of Bourbon. As for Charles de Melun, he was 
tried before the highest court in the land, and found 
guilty of death for high treason. 

The King returned to Orleans, where Queen Char- 
lotte was residing, before the beginning of March 
1466, and we find him turning aside from the troubles 
of his throne, to write asking the Duke of Milan to 
procure for him five or six little dogs from the island 
of Chios, either white or red, as he hears they are 
excellent with birds. The merchant house of Justiniana 
does business in those parts and might obtain them. 
This appears to be the last letter which he wrote to 
his old friend Francesco Sforza, who died on March 8 ; 
and we have later a number of letters addressed by 
the King to various Italian states, — to Milan, to Genoa, 
to Florence, Bologna, and Siena, to the Marquess 
of Ferrara, of Montferrat, and of Mantua, — all express- 
ing his deep regret at the death of the Duke of Milan, 
and trusting that all help will be given towards the 
peaceful succession of his son. But the next news 
which Louis receives is that Galeazzo Maria Sforza, 
when on his way home to claim his duchy, was 
arrested at the foot of the Alps, at Novalese, by order 
of the Abbe of Casanova. His imprisonment cannot 
however, have lasted long, as, on March 24, Louis 
writes to congratulate him on his freedom, ''car c'cest 
la chose que avions plus a coeur, et que desirions le 
plus." He soon after gives orders to the Treasurer of 
Dauphine to pay the troops of the Duke of Milan 
the sum of 6000 livres (instead of 4000 as originally 
settled). 

117 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Duke Louis of Savoy had been succeeded by his 
son, Amedee IX, whose wife Yolande, the sister of 
Louis XI, took part at this time with the House of 
Burgundy. We find her sending the Abbe de Casa- 
nova to the Venetians and the Marquess of Montferrat, 
to induce them to make war on the new Duke of 
Milan ; and for this her brother reproaches her. In 
the next letter he begs her to take into her service 
a certain Antoine de Romagnano, doctor of law, who 
had obtained the freedom of Galeazzo of Milan and the 
passage of his troops through Savoy. The King of 
France is unwearied in his efforts to help the Duke of 
Milan, for he writes again on his behalf to the Doge of 
Venice, and to the Pope, Paul II. 

Having made peace with the Duke of Calabria, Louis 
cannot do enough to win him entirely to his cause. To 
show his esteem for the House of Anjou and his grati- 
tude to Rene, who had stood by him so faithfully, he 
now renews and ratifies the treaty of marriage between 
his eldest daughter, Anne of France, now five years 
old, and Nicholas, the son of Jean of Calabria. The 
young bride was to receive a dowry of 487,500 livres, 
of which 137,500 had already been paid by her father. 
But the marriage never came to pass, for the Prince 
of Calabria died in his youthful prime at Nancy on 
July 27th, 1473. 

The Count of Saint-Pol is rewarded by the hand 
of Marie of Savoy, the Queen's sister, and the count- 
ship of Eu is also bestowed upon him. We are struck 
by the minute personal care which Louis gives to small 
matters, when he has all the cares of the realm upon 
him. He writes, for instance, to the city of Amboise 
to request that a most hospitable reception should be 

118 



BETROTHAL OF ANNE OF FRANCE 

given to the Countess of Wurtemburg, the Queen's 
aunt, who is going on a pilgrimage to St. James 
of Compostella. The old account-books of Amboise 
show that the lady arrived with fifty-seven horsemen, 
and she was entertained in the hostel on the bridge for 
a day and a night, ''receiving grapes, apples, and 
pears of the said city," at the expense of 18 livres, 
10 sols tournois, duly paid to Perrenelle, the landlady. 



119 



CHAPTER VII 

146S-7 

The Story of Liege— The "Piteous Peace"— Siege 
AND Destruction of Dinant by the Duke of Bur- 
gundy — Death of Philip of Burgundy— Battle of 
St. Tron— Submission of Li^ge. 

When Charles of Burgundy rode away triumphant 
from the walls of Paris after the Treaty of Conflans, 
which had given him more than he had ever dared 
to expect, the next desire of his heart was to punish 
the men of Liege for their invasion of Namur and 
Brabant during his absence. "Quant nous aurons fait 
icy, nous irons de plus belle contre ces vilains Liegois," 
writes his secretary. The Count of Charolois crossed 
Champagne and Hainault, gathering fresh levies on 
the way, until, when he reached the hill country of 
Liege, his army is said to have numbered 28,000 men- 
at-arms. 

What was this free and sovereign city which had 
thus presumed to defy the might of the great Lord 
of Burgundy? The whole story of Liege in medieval 
times is one long romance — too often passing into 
tragedy. Standing in the midst of an amphitheatre 
of rugged hills, which enclose lovely valleys and vast 
tracts of forests, the ancient city looks down upon a 
noble river, the Meuse, which here receives the tribute 



L £ ROY ]lt 




I Ji.H . 



'GOOD KING RENE," DUKE OF PROVENCE, ANJOU, ETC. 
From a portrait in the British Museum 

To face p. 120 



THE STORY OF LIEGE 

of its vassal streams. But Liege did not owe its great- 
ness to its picturesque situation. In earlier days it had 
risen under the protection of its patron saint, for the 
tomb of St. Lambert had been a shrine of pilgrimage 
until the modest chapel raised in his honour, had grown 
into a stately fane. But Liege chiefly owed its early 
fame and importance to the mineral treasures beneath 
its soil, for iron and coal were found close at hand and 
were the source of its industry and wealth. It was an 
ecclesiastical state, which could never pass by marriage, 
inheritance, or purchase, under the nominal rule of a 
Prince-Bishop, with a chapter of sixty canons mostly 
of noble birth. Yet in the fifteenth century never was 
any municipal government so absolutely democratic as 
that of Liege, where all native-born citizens above 
the age of fifteen had the right of suffrage and were 
eligible to hold office. 

All were equal, the smaller guilds and the greater, 
the merchant, the artisan, and the miner ; the vote of 
the apprentice had the same value as that of the master. 
The Prince-Bishop himself — originally elected by the 
Chapter or nominated by the Pope — had only a limited 
and well-defined jurisdiction. "A Prince of Liege 
makes no change in the laws without the consent of the 
estates, and administers justice only by the regular 
tribunals." Can anything sound more perfect than 
this ? And yet we are told that the different powers 
and interests were always in conflict, that the turbulent 
spirit of the masses kept the city in perpetual agitation, 
and that "civil war might almost be considered the 
normal condition of society." 

We know Michelet's poetical description of the men 
of Ghent, another free, self-governed town : " I'ouvrier 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

mystique, le lollard illumine, le tisserand visionnaire, 
echappe des caves, pale et have, comme ivre de jeune. 
. . . Une banniere de metier apparait . . . un son 
lugubre . . . and the great bell of the city tolls ' Ro- 
land ! Roland ! Roland ! ', all take arms from the boy 
of twenty to the old man of sixty, and in their pas- 
sionate love of their country, *'ce grand peuple dans 
leur simplicite heroique . . . alia a la mort . . . vendu, 
trahi. . . ." This description gives us an insight into 
the patriotism which was a passion, a religion, with 
these bourgeois for the city which was their own, their 
home, their hearth, and for whose dear sake they would 
all die as one man. Such fanatics in their devotion 
would never be easy to govern. 

The Prince-Bishop of Liege was the vassal of the 
Emperor, but the people had long considered the 
kings of France their friends and protectors. In 
France they found a market for their work ; and a 
closer resemblance in race and language than they did 
with their Flemish neighbours. Charles VII had 
made alliance with them and Louis XI renewed it ; 
and it was in a measure for this reason that they had 
invaded Namur and Brabant when Charles of Bur- 
gundy was before the gates of Paris. We have already 
seen in the letter sent them by a special ambassador, 
how urgently Louis tried to persuade them as early as 
October 21 to make peace at once with the Duke of 
Burgundy, but in their pride and self-confidence they 
delayed until it was too late. At the present time, they 
were extremely unfortunate in their Bishop. Of late 
years, owing to the increasing power of the Duke of 
Burgundy, the see had become a benefice at his dis- 
posal, and in 1456, after the forced resignation of Jean 



THE STORY OF LIEGE 

de Heinsberg, he had appointed his nephew, Louis of 
Bourbon, a dissolute lad of eighteen, who at the time 
was not even in orders, but was nevertheless inducted 
into the temporalities, and enthroned, when he arrived 
at Liege in a scarlet suit and plumed cap. 

Utterly reckless of the city's dismay and indignation, 
young Bourbon drove the staid burghers nearly wild 
with his extortions and his insolent defiance of all 
their rights. As soon as he met with opposition he 
withdrew to the border town of Huy, where he gave 
himself up to every form of self-indulgence and dis- 
sipation, and not content with this, he dared to use 
the last thunderbolt of the Church and place the 
capital under an interdict. In vain the citizens, in 
wrath and despair, appealed to the Archbishop of 
Cologne, to the Pope himself; the powerful influence 
of the Duke of Burgundy was against them, and the 
sentence of excommunication was confirmed. Can we 
wonder that after this, the men of Liege looked upon 
Duke Philip as their deadly foe, that they rose against 
him at the first opportunity, when their industry was 
ruined, their Government was paralysed, and their 
souls and bodies in equal danger ? It can scarcely have 
needed any persuasion from their ally the King of 
France, to induce them to invade and devastate the 
lands of Burgundy. 

It so chanced that another city was still more guilty 
in the eyes of the Duke of Burgundy. Dinant, only 
second in importance to Liege, stood on the right bank 
of the Meuse, where it forms the frontier of Namur ; 
while on the opposite bank was placed the town of 
Bouvines, its rival in trade, and for years past its bitter 
enemy. As war was now raging on the frontier, 

123 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Dinant and Bouvines took advantage of it to attack 
and annoy each other more than usual. One day 
a troop of idle apprentices and other such rabble, 
crossed the river from Dinant with a stuffed figure 
which in mockery they declared to be ''your Count of 
Charolois, no count indeed, but the base-born son 
of Bishop Heinsberg" ; and they left the effigy hang- 
ing on a gibbet by the town walls. This was reported 
by the loyal subjects of Bouvines to their suzerain the 
Duke of Burgundy, who never forgave the insult and 
vowed a deadly vengeance on the whole city for the 
escapade of a few reckless youths. 

As far as Dinant was concerned, the war to them 
was simply the carrying on of an ancient feud against 
the rival town which was always giving them fresh 
provocation. The people of Bouvines now retaliated 
by hurling an effigy of the French King over the walls 
of their foe, with insulting words ; but although Louis 
heard of this, he took no notice, for he appears never 
to have punished a personal insult. 

Meantime the great army of the Count of Charolois 
had entered the territory of Liege, and it was doubtful 
which city he would first attack. In point of fact, he 
sought rather to threaten and overawe his enemies, as 
now in December, it was too late in the year for a long 
siege, and his men-at-arms, long behindhand in their 
pay, had been already kept in the field for months 
beyond the term of feudal service. Charles therefore 
showed himself willing to make a treaty, and the 
terror-stricken men of Liege agreed at last to the most 
exorbitant terms. The chief magistrates and others 
were to prostrate themselves before the Duke, an 
indemnity of more than 400,000 florins was to be paid ; 

124 



SIEGE AND DESTRUCTION OF DINANT 

Liege was to renounce all its alliances, and accept the 
Duke of Burgundy as sole protector of Liege, and 
behave in other ways like a conquered province. We 
cannot wonder that in the city registers, this bears 
the title of the '' Piteous Peace," of which the last and 
most cruel stipulation is that Dinant shall be excepted. 
This treaty was ratified on January 24, 1466, and 
Charles returned in triumph to his father's Court. 

The Count of Charolois had already heard about the 
surrender of Normandy to the King of France, and 
during the following months he became alarmed and 
irritated on hearing that negotiations were going on 
between Louis and the Earl of Warwick. We find 
from a letter of the King in April, that Charles had 
been spreading reports in Amiens and elsewhere that 
Louis was about to make war upon him. Louis had 
also written in May to inform the city of Lyons that he 
was in communication with Warwick only to counter- 
act the danger of a marriage between Charles of 
Burgundy and Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV. 
(This marriage actually took place on July 15, 1468.) 
Charles now wrote an angry letter to the King of 
France accusing him of offering Rouen, Caux, Abbe- 
ville, and the county of Ponthieu to the English as the 
price of their help against Burgundy. Louis left the 
Royal Commission to make answer and remind Charles 
that he had seen all the documents, and to ask who 
had sent information so false and injurious to the 
King's honour. Charolois evidently wanted a pretext 
of any kind, as he was about to march in force against 
Dinant and also Liege, where the extreme party had 
risen in rebellion, beheaded the chief men responsible 
for the ^'Piteous Peace," and refused to carry out its 

125 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

conditions. Louis XI has been blamed by his enemies 
for not taking arms to defend these unfortunate cities, 
but under all the circumstances it is difficult to see 
what he could have done at this moment. He was also 
in close alliance with the Duke of Bourbon, the 
brother of the unworthy Bishop of Liege, whose cause 
the Duke of Burgundy was supporting against his re- 
bellious subjects. 

In the fifteenth century, Dinant was the site of a 
flourishing town whose inhabitants were famous 
throughout Europe for copper-work, not only produc- 
ing beautiful organ screens, fonts, and ecclesiastical 
vessels, but pots and pans for kitchen use, called 
" Dinanderie." They had a large trade with England, 
where they enjoyed the same privileges as the Han- 
seatic League. Behind its massive walls defended by 
eighty towers, rose many fine churches and rich monas- 
teries, while the great foundries were ever at work to 
add to the wealth of " illud superbum et opulentum 
Dinantum," as Basin calls it. Aware of its exposed 
situation on the frontier, Dinant had with difficulty 
been persuaded to join with Liege against the Duke of 
Burgundy. When that unfortunate incident occurred 
under the walls of Bouvines, the ringleaders were at 
once imprisoned, but with the help of the rabble they 
made their escape. When, in the spring of 1466, news 
arrived that a powerful Burgundian army was collect- 
ing, the chief magistrates made every effort to avert 
the coming storm. During the two months of suspense 
which followed, ceaseless prayers and entreaties were 
sent by the panic-struck town to every one who might 
possibly help or plead for them. At last, in desperation, 
they ventured to send a direct appeal to "the most ex- 

126 



SIEGE AND DESTRUCTION OF DINANT 

cellent, high, and puissant prince, and most redoubted 
lord, the Count of Charolois ; the poor humble and 
obedient servants and subjects of the most reverend 
father in God, Louis of Bourbon, Bishop of Liege, 
and ' vous petis voisins et marchissans,' the burgo- 
masters, council, and people of the town of Dinant. 
..." They offered to make any redress for the insult, 
and any atonement, with the most abject humility ; but 
all was of no avail. In this last dire extremity, they 
also appealed to Louis XI, but we find no record of any 
reply. 

The difficulties of the magistrates increased daily, 
for they found their authority set aside by the class who 
were ever ready to rebel, and, worst danger of all, the 
town began to fill with outlawed bands of proscribed 
exiles, utterly lawless and reckless. In a few registers 
of Dinant which have been preserved, we find allusion 
to this peril: "Nous faisons grans doubtes que ne 
puissons estre maistres du grant nombre d'estraingers 
qui sont icy soubz umbre d'estre envoyes de par la 
cite pour la garde de la ville. . . ." 

On the 14th of August, Duke Philip of Burgundy 
arrived in a horse-litter at Namur, where the invading 
army was to muster. He had been at death's door, 
but when he recovered his faculties, one memory, one 
purpose was alone engraved upon his mind. The 
inexpiable crime of Dinant still remained unpunished, 
and the last effort of his failing life should be to carry 
out the deadly vengeance he had sworn. Attended by 
a small escort, he made his way as far as Bouvines from 
whence he could watch the fulfilment of his object. 
The army of his son had crossed the river at Namur 
and continued its course on the right bank of the river 

127 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

towards the doomed city. Within the walls there was 
a reign of terror and all was riot and disorder, for the 
outlaws, accustomed to live by violence, had taken 
complete possession supported by the lowest of the 
populace, and many of the wise rulers who had coun- 
selled submission were put to death. 

The siege actually began on Tuesday, August 19, 
after the "bombards" or siege ordnance had been 
brought into position, and the usual summons by 
trumpet call had been met with insulting jeers and 
defiance from the ruffians who crowded the walls. 
They were answered by the roar of artillery which 
continued an almost incessant fire for several days, 
until the churches were dismantled of their towers, 
the houses in ruins, hundreds of the citizens slain, and 
a breach sixty feet long had been opened in the walls. 
Now that all hope was at an end, the outcasts and free- 
booters only thought of their own safety and fled like 
evil birds of prey to the distant forest, leaving the 
unfortunate inhabitants to their fate. The passage of 
the river above the town was still free, and other fugi- 
tives escaped to spread dismay and rage amongst the 
allied towns, when it was too late for help. The be- 
leaguered city had already offered to capitulate, but 
had met with a stern refusal, and now, to avert the 
final assault, surrendered at discretion, in the delusive 
hope of mercy from the great lords of Burgundy. 

The tragedy which followed is too terrible for words : 
" le mardy, le mercredy et le jeudy on ne feit que 
butiner"; the order was given in cold blood, and for 
three days Dinant was sacked by a reckless soldiery 
which murdered all who dared to resist. Only the 
women were spared and protected by supreme order of 

128 



DEATH OF PHILIP OF BURGUNDY 

the Count de Charolois, but it was a cruel clemency 
which drove them with their children helpless and 
penniless from their ruined homes, and we are told 
that their cries were heart-rending. The survivors 
amongst their husbands and brothers were doomed to 
slavery ; but Commines, an eye-witness, tells us that 
the vindictive old Duke feasted his eyes upon a 
noyade of eight hundred men, selected as the most 
guilty, who, bound hand and foot and tied together in 
pairs, were drowned in the Meuse. As for the ill-fated 
city, it was set on fire, and all that was not consumed 
by the flames was demolished and razed to the ground, 
until ''those who looked upon the place where it stood, 
could say ' cy fust Dynant ! ' " 

Before the work of destruction was quite complete, 
Charles of Burgundy received word that the men of 
Liege were advancing against him ; his men, laden with 
booty, were scarcely prepared to meet a sudden attack, 
but the caution of the citizens lost them their oppor- 
tunity, and they agreed to make terms on the former 
conditions, with an additional fine and fifty hostages 
given up as surety. It seems that the Count de St. 
Pol, who had not scrupled to share in the spoil of 
Dinant, had pleaded for leniency towards the men of 
Liege, the allies of the King of France and under his 
protection. He himself was playing a curious double 
game. 

The old Duke Philip of Burgundy had enjoyed his 
last triumph when he watched the work of vengeance 
from the walls of Bouvines, and he was carried home 
to Bruges where, in preparation for his latter end, 
he devoted himself to religious duties and lingered 
on until the following June. He is known to history 

K 129 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

as "The Good," but perhaps never was this epithet 
y/ less deserved if we consider his passionate vindictive 
temper, and the moral character of one who "a peuple 
son pays de batards." He had a splendid funeral 
in the church of St. Donatus, in the midnight blaze 
of 1600 torches, while the heralds broke their batons 
above the bier and proclaimed his son Charles, Duke 
of Burgundy, of Brabant, of Limbourg, and of Luxem- 
burg ; Count of Flanders, of Artois, of Burgundy, of 
Hainault, of Holland, of Zeeland, and of Namur ; 
Marquis of the Holy Empire ; Lord of Friesland, of 
Malines. . . . 

Soon after his accession the new Duke of Burgundy 
set forth in state to make his "joyeuse entree" into 
Ghent and receive the homage of Flanders. All went 
well on his arrival, and Charles was received with due 
honours, but unfortunately it chanced to be the festival 
time of St. Lievin, and the next day, Monday, June 29, 
when the relics of the saint were brought back from the 
scene of his martyrdom, crowds of drunken revellers 
accompanied them and made a disturbance in the town, 
shouting, " Down with the cueillotte^''' an objectionable 
tax like the octroi of France, which had been imposed 
on Ghent at its last rebellion. The Duke, followed by a 
few nobles, rode out angrily into the midst of the mob 
and struck one of the men with his baton. A tumult 
was with difficulty averted amongst the stubborn and 
turbulent people ; Charles addressed them from a 
balcony and promised to listen to their grievances, 
which were at once insolently enumerated by " a tall 
rude villain," and the Duke had no option save to 
grant all that was asked. He had most unwisely 
brought his young daughter Marie with him and also 

130 



THE FATE OF LIEGE 

much treasure of jewels and plate, so that his only 
anxiety was to carry them away in safety from his 
mutinous subjects. The success of Ghent encouraged 
the burghers of Malines, Antwerp, and other places to 
resist their lord's authority, while the men of Liege 
had once more risen in arms against their Bishop. 

Louis XI now sent the Count of Dammartin and 
the Duke-Bishop of Langres as his ambassadors to 
mediate between Liege and the Duke. The unfor- 
tunate burghers had found it impossible to pay the 
immense fine, for the clergy and the adherents of the 
Bishop and the Duke declared that they were exempt. 
Liege also insisted that the town of Huy, where the 
Bishop had taken up his abode, should pay its share of 
the money. As this demand was refused, the citizens 
of Liege took up arms and marched to besiege Huy, in 
utter disregard of the French ambassadors' advice. 
Charles had sent a company of men-at-arms to defend 
the town, but Louis of Bourbon induced the captain 
to use them as an escort to conduct him safely to 
Brussels, leaving Huy to its fate. When news of this 
cowardly behaviour reached the Duke, he was furious, 
and his rage was directed against Liege, which he 
vowed to crush to the dust. In vain the Papal Legate 
interceded on their behalf as well as the fresh ambas- 
sadors. Cardinal Balue and the Constable St, Pol, sent 
by the King of France. All their entreaties were in 
vain, and he proclaimed war in the barbarous fashion 
of old, the heralds holding in one hand a bare sword 
and in the other a lighted torch, as signal of a war of 
fire and blood {a feu et a sang). The hostages of Liege 
had been for a year in the hands of the Duke, and 
it was a question what would be their fate. At length 

131 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Charles was induced to let them return home, with the 
warning that if they were taken in arms, they would 
receive no quarter. 

Charles of Burgundy set forth from Louvain with 
a great army, and on October 27, 1467, he laid siege 
to the town of St. Tron, and the men of Liege marched 
in force — about 20,000 foot soldiers armed with pikes 
and culverins (a kind of musket) to defend it. The 
next day a battle was fought at Brusten, a village near, 
and for a time the result was doubtful, but the skill of 
Charles in the management of his archers turned the 
tide of victory ; the half-trained soldiers of Liege were 
driven back with great loss, and would have been 
utterly destroyed but for the approach of night, and 
the marshy country intersected by ditches which 
favoured their flight. They lost everything, cannons, 
tents, and wagons, while St. Tron surrendered a few 
days later, and met with the usual fate : a heavy fine 
was imposed, the inhabitants had to ransom themselves 
and their goods, and the fortifications were razed to 
the ground. 

Liege had time to prepare for a siege, but the party 
for peace prevailed, and the chapter and clergy were 
suffered to treat for terms. They were hard indeed, 
and the great city lost its supremacy for ever. Three 
hundred of the chief burghers, bare-headed and bare- 
footed, carried in doleful procession the keys of Liege 
to the Duke's feet. The city gave up all its privileges, 
its corporation, its guilds, and even its laws and 
customs. It was deprived of its artillery and war 
material ; it was to be no longer under the sovereign 
jurisdiction of the Prince-Bishop, but was to take the 
oath of allegiance to the Duke. The fortifications 

132 



BATTLE OF ST. TRON 

were to be destroyed, and in addition to the enormous 
fine previously demanded, 1 15,000 golden " lions " were 
to be paid as an indemnity. 

On St. Martin's Feast, a dull November day, Charles 
rode in triumph with unsheathed sword into the city, 
whose very gates were removed for his entrance and 
the walls broken down. The great bell was rung 
which had so often summoned the burghers to meet in 
their free defiance, but now they waited in trembling 
silence to hear their doom from a stern conqueror. It 
was on their beloved city itself, on all that made up its 
history, its very existence, that sentence of death was 
passed. Those liberties and charters, bought in des- 
perate strife with t\\e life-blood of their ancestors, were 
forfeited and annulled. On that pitiful day for the 
men of Liege, by their own deed — the pride of life,; the 
glory of patriotism were trampled in the dust — a 
splendid past was eclipsed in the present shame, and 
for their children, there would be no future. 



133 



CHAPTER VIII 

1466-8 

Aragon offered to Ren^ of Anjou — Duke of 
Calabria in Spain— Armed Guilds of Paris— The 
States-General meet at Tours — Charles of Bur- 
gundy marries Margaret of York — Galeazzo 
Maria Sforza, new Duke of Milan, marries Bona 
of Savoy. 

In the month of August, 1466, at the very time when 
Charles of Burgundy was carrying out his vengeance 
against Dinant with fire and sword, an embassy was 
sent from Catalonia to offer Rene of Anjou the crown 
of Aragon. After his unfortunate experience with 
regard to Naples, we wonder that he could be tempted 
again by the bait of a kingdom, yet even at his ripe 
age of fifty-seven, "good King Rene" was full of the 
romantic valour of youth, and ever ready to leave his 
poetry, his painting, and his gay Court at Tarascon for 
any wild adventure. Yet the idea had serious justifica- 
tion, for through his mother Yolande he was direct 
heir of Juan I of Aragon, whose brother, Martin the 
Humane, had taken the succession in disregard of the 
rights of his nieces. The Lord of Anjou, Bar, and 
Provence, with a son so distinguished a warrior as 
Jean of Calabria, might seem to be well equipped for 
any contest. 

On October 20, the Catalan ambassadors returned 

134 



RENE OF ANJOU AND HIS SON 

to Barcelona bearing a favourable answer which was 
received with joyful acclamation. King Rene had 
been earnestly requested " in the name of God, the 
Holy Virgin, and St. George" to lose no time in 
sending his son at once with sufficient forces. The 
King of France was evidently in favour of the enter- 
prise, as in a letter to the Duke of Milan on October 
21 he writes : '* As we have declared on behalf of our 
very dear and much beloved cousin the Duke of 
Calabria, with regard to the matter of Barcelona . . . 
and as we have heard that the men of Genoa have 
armed certain ships to do injury to the said Barcelona 
and to the prejudice of our said cousin of Calabria, 
we pray that you will cause the said army to retreat, 
and cause the said ships to be disarmed, and that you 
will suffer no harm or damage to be done by the said 
Genoese or any other subjects of yours to our cousin 
of Calabria, or to his people or those who take his 
part. ..." 

Letters from the "States of Paris" mention that 
"the King of Sicily has decided to go in person to 
Barcelona and is making ready to depart and take 
possession of the new domains which have come to 
him by hereditary right." It may be interesting at 
this point to quote the words in which Louis XI 
expressed his admiration for his uncle Rene. 

" Depuis quelques annees, le royaume de France 
etait deborde et envahi par les guerres intestines et les 
seditions. Un seul prince s'est trouve qui par aucun 
moyen, sous aucun pretexte, n'a pu etre detourne de la 
fidelite qu'il nous devait et du soin de la depense de 
I'Etat ; c'est notre oncle bien aime, le roi de Jerusalem, 
de Sicile etd'Aragon, qui avec une Constance invaincue, 

'35 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

une volonte toujours droite, a maintenu I'antique hon- 
neur de ce royaume, en a respecte et augmente le 
prestige, I'a arrete enfin, sur le bord du precipice." 
(For some years past, the kingdom of France was over- 
flowing and invaded with intestine wars and seditions. 
One prince alone was found who by no means, under 
no pretext, could be turned away from the fidelity 
which he owed us and from the care and defence of 
the State ; it is our well-beloved uncle, the King of 
Jerusalem, of Sicily, and of Aragon, who, with invin- 
cible courage and straightforward will, has maintained 
the ancient honour of this realm, has respected and 
increased its prestige, has, in short, arrested its course 
on the brink of a precipice.) 

The Duke of Calabria was a prince so popular for 
his knightly courtesy and daring courage — a very hero 
of chivalry — that crowds of adventurers thronged to 
his standard, and at the head of about eight thousand 
men, he crossed the mountain passes of Roussillon the 
next spring and descended on the northern frontier 
of Catalonia. Juan II was but ill prepared to oppose 
him ; his funds had been exhausted in the late cam- 
paign, Gaston de Foix was taking possession of 
Navarre, while Rome and Italy, threatened by the 
Turks, only thought of defending themselves. To 
complete the King's misfortunes, he was losing his 
sight ; but his wife Juana boldly put herself at the 
head of such troops as she could collect and besieged 
Rosas in person, after taking several smaller places. 
Her son Ferdinand, who afterwards married Isabel 
of Castile, distinguished himself at the early age of 
fifteen by his gallant conduct before Gerona, where he 
nearly fell into the hands of the Duke of Calabria, who 

136 



RENE OF ANJOU AND HIS SON 

was besieging the city, but was driven back with much 
loss. However, in the course of this campaign and the 
next, Jean succeeded in conquering the fertile country 
north-east of Barcelona, while in the capital itself he 
was welcomed with extraordinary enthusiasm. In 
the autumn of 1467, he had a narrow escape of being 
surprised by Juan of Aragon, as one of the city gates 
had been left open for the enemy's entrance, and the 
treachery was barely discovered in time. The death of 
Queen Juana the next year was a great blow to her 
party, for her diplomatic skill was as great as her 
courage and energy. Yet, in the beginning, it was 
her unjust persecution of her stepson Don Carlos, to 
further the interests of her own child Ferdinand, which 
had been the cause of all the troubles which came upon 
her house. At the time when Philip, Duke of Bur- 
gundy, was dying at Bruges, in the summer of 1467, 
Louis XI was using all his influence to obtain a 
permanent peace with England. The Earl of War- 
wick had persuaded Edward IV to send him over as 
ambassador to Rouen, where he was received with 
much ceremony and honour. The King of France 
had a very high opinion of his political genius, and 
hoped that he might be able to baffle the intrigues with 
Burgundy. Warwick renewed the truce with France, 
but it was without the consent of Edward IV, who 
could scarcely be induced to receive the French 
ambassadors when they returned with the English 
Earl, for the suggested marriage of Margaret of York 
with Charles of Burgundy was strongly desired by 
her brother. 

Louis spent much of the summer at Chartres, and 
we have various letters written by him with regard to 

137 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

the ship which is to take over the Earl of Warwick 
from Harfleur to Sandwich, and also with regard to 
the embassy which he is sending to England, to try by 
all means to prevent the close alliance by marriage of 
England and Burgundy. The King also takes special 
interest in various trade unions ; he writes to suggest 
mayors for various provincial towns, and with regard to 
the appointment of certain canons. A terrible plague 
has raged in Paris, and there have been so many deaths 
that Louis authorizes by letters patent all persons from 
other countries to come and take up their abode in the 
capital, excepting such as have been guilty of treason. 
He also encourages the inhabitants to enrol them- 
selves under the banners of their guilds, in his defence 
and that of their city. In the long series of edicts of 
this year, we notice the confirmations of privileges for 
various cities, and for corporations of students and 
the university, encouragement of the silk industry of 
Lyons and of the fairs of that city, in rivalry of those 
of Geneva. 

The edict with regard to the abolition of the Prag- 
matic Sanction had not yet been registered, and 
" Maitre Jean Balue " worked steadily towards that 
end, and received his cardinal's hat, although he was 
obliged to yield to the opposition of the Parliament 
and the University. 

Early in August, the King returned to Paris and the 
Queen joined him there, having arrived by barge at 
Notre Dame, where she was received by the Parlia- 
ment, the Bishop, and the Chapter. During this visit 
to Paris, great feasts and entertainments were held, and 
it is especially noted that the ladies wore head-dresses 
trailing almost to the ground and broad sashes, having 

138 



VARIOUS EDICTS 

given up the long trains worn previously. Amongst 
these great ladies was Bona of Savoy, the Queen's 
sister, who was soon to marry the Duke of Milan. 
The King had set his heart upon this marriage, and 
we find it often alluded to in his many letters to 
Galeazzo Maria Sforza. 

On the 17th of September there was held a great 
review of the new armed guilds of Paris, from the age 
of sixteen to sixty, to the number of 100,000. Louis 
on this occasion gave them standards adorned with a 
white cross. There were present sixty-seven banners 
of the trades, besides all those connected with the 
offices of state. It was a most imposing spectacle, 
greatly enjoyed by the King and his Court. 

This citizen army might be needed at any time, for 
already a new conspiracy was forming, this time more 
general than the last, for the House of Savoy and 
the English were to take part in it. The ringleader 
appears to have been the Duke of Alen9on, so often 
pardoned. He joined the Bretons, and they took 
Bayeux and Lower Normandy where the castle of Caen 
was surprised, but they were checked at St. L6 by the 
heroic courage of a woman who led the defence. The 
men of Normandy always rose in their might against 
the yoke of strangers, whether they were Bretons or 
English, and they usually succeeded. The King him- 
self set out for Mont-Saint-Michel, passing through 
Mantes to Vernon, where he met the ambassadors of 
Burgundy, and by means of the Count of St. Pol 
a truce was concluded on the ist of November between 
the King and Charles of Burgundy for six months. 
This was a great blow to Charles of France and his ad- 
herents, who counted upon the Duke's immediate help. 

139 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

At Chartres the King received a deputation from the 
Duchess Dowager and the new Duke of Milan, and 
confirmed the rights he had yielded, on Genoa and 
Savona. He also gave Galeazzo permission to add the 
arms of France to those of Milan. Louis went in 
person to the siege of Alen9on, and he soon regained 
the whole duchy, for the Count Du Perche, the son of 
Alen9on, and the inhabitants came over to his side. 
The Duke of Alen9on was forgiven again, but it was 
not safe to trust too much to the King's clemency, for 
he could be inexorably severe, as he showed himself to 
several traitors on this occasion. Louis also continued 
to treat with the Duke of Brittany, who all the time 
was engaged in secret intrigues with Edward IV, and 
had even signed a treaty promising to place him in pos- 
session of thirty towns and fortresses, in return for the 
help of three thousand English archers. But Edward 
was very fully occupied with affairs at home, he had 
little confidence in his Breton allies, and looked upon 
Charles of France as a young fool. Louis saw clearly 
that there was nothing to fear from England, but he 
neglected no precautions, for he had enemies on every 
side. All the princes of the House of Savoy were 
against him at this time, even his sister Yolande. 

The most serious question which he had to decide 
was that of the appanage which should be given to his 
brother. To decide this and other matters he decided 
to appeal to the nation, and the representatives of the 
three estates were summoned to meet at Tours by the 
end of March, 1468. It was a bold move but certainly 
a wise one. The assembly was opened by the King 
with great ceremony, most of the nobles and bishops 
summoned were present or sent representatives, while 

140 



THE STATES-GENERAL MEET AT TOURS 

each of the sixty-four towns sent three laymen and one 
representative in orders. We have a copy of the circular 
letter which the King sent round to the various cities, 
and of which the record remains at Poitiers, Lyons, 
Rodez, and Tournay. He addresses it to " noz chiers 
et bien amez les gens d'eglise, bourgeois, manans et 
habitans de la ville de. . , ." *' You know the troubles 
and divisions which prevail ... in our kingdom to the 
great . . . and oppression of our poor people and our 
good and loyal subjects, and to our great trouble ... by 
great deliberation and counsel ... we have concluded 
... to assemble the princes of the blood and the 
peers of France and the three estates of the realm to 
have their good advice and counsel. . . . Therefore we 
wish and expressly desire that of the most notable men 
of the city . . . you send to us to the number of four 
persons, one of the church and three [many historians 
have made this two\ of the laity ... to hear what 
shall be said to them and shown on our part, concern- 
ing various matters, and to attend, to labour, to hear, 
and conclude thereupon ... we have deliberated and 
concluded to the royal authority, the honour and rights 
of the crown as we have sworn and promised, and to 
provide for the good and use of our kingdom by good 
advice and counsel, in such manner that, by the help of 
God, our good and loyal subjects may live and remain 
under us in good justice, peace, and tranquillity. ..." 
The Chancellor, Guillaume Juvenal des Ursins, had 
first held the office twenty-three years before, in the 
reign of Charles VH, and was a man of much wisdom 
and experience. He made a learned speech, too long 
to quote, full of texts from the Bible, and the sayings 
of poets and philosophers. Then he stated the three 

141 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

points on which the King required their counsel and 
decision. 

ist. Do the dukes of Burgundy and Brittany owe 
obedience to the King like other vassals, and can they 
call in the help of foreigners? 

2nd. Can Normandy be alienated from the Crown of 
France? 

3rd. Has the King sufficiently provided for the 
appanage of his brother? 

These were the chief questions discussed in that 
great assembly where the King presided in state, wear- 
ing a royal robe of white damask embroidered with 
gold, on a raised seat, with his lords around him, 
amongst whom were the lords of Nevers and Eu, the 
Count of Foix, Rene of Anjou, and Cardinal Balue, 
while at the King's feet sat the little Prince of Pied- 
mont. The great officers of the Crown were on one 
side, the bishops on the other ; then came the barons, 
the counts, and other nobles ; and last, not least, the 
great body of deputies from the cities of France. 

It was unanimously declared that nothing could 
excuse a vassal who rebelled against his sovereign, 
and that the treaty of the Duke of Brittany with the 
English was a grievous offence against the realm of 
France. Whenever any vassals should thus fail in 
their duty, the King was authorized to take arms 
against them without waiting to summon the States- 
General. With regard to Normandy, it was clearly 
stated that ''for no cause under heaven, neither from 
brotherly affection, nor any form of promise, nor 
pretence of gift, nor fear of war or any other danger, 
should the King ever agree to the separation of that 
duchy from the Crown." 

142 



THE STATES-GENERAL MEET AT TOURS 

As for the appanage of Charles of France, the whole 
question was gone into thoroughly, and the rule of 
Charles V was considered to decide the question ; 
12,000 livres de rente for each younger son, but if it 
pleased the King to give his brother 60,000 livres, it 
should be without prejudice for the future. 

Touching the Duke of Burgundy, the Estates mildly 
ventured to recommend that he should be asked to 
assist in the establishment of order, and they chose a 
committee from their own body to confer with him. 
After all these conclusions, to which was added much 
praise of the King's policy, the great assembly dis- 
persed. One historian, who is usually most unfavour- 
able to Louis, remarks : **The common people always 
saw in him the friend of peace, and the adversary of 
that nobility by which they had been so long oppressed." 
Later in the year a great reform was carried out, by 
which the King declared that in future '* no office shall 
be forfeited by any officer of justice, unless judgment 
is passed against him by a competent court." 

The delegates sent to announce the decisions of the 
States to Charles of Burgundy were very uncourteously 
received ; he took no trouble to control his anger, and 
" gave them no good words." He had recently held a 
magnificent Chapter of the Golden Fleece at Bruges, 
and felt deeply aggrieved at any reminder that he was 
accountable to a suzerain lord. However, it suited his 
purpose to prolong the truce with France until 
August I, as he was about to celebrate his marriage, 
so long projected, with Margaret of York, sister of 
Edward IV. We have a very full and picturesque 
account of this wedding, and all the gorgeous medieval 
pageants with which it was celebrated. The Lady 

»43 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Margaret, after going to St. Paul's, rode through 
London behind the Earl of Warwick — on the same 
horse — and received rich presents. On Friday, July i, 
she *' shipped at Margate," whither she was accom- 
panied by the Lord Scales, a gallant company of 
knights, and more than eighty ladies of rank. The 
Lord Admiral of England himself took charge of the 
sixteen vessels needed by the Princess and her suite, 
which reached in safety the Flemish port of Sluys, 
where she met with a splendid reception. After resting 
a week, the royal company travelled in barges on the 
canal to Damme, a small town near Bruges, and here 
the marriage ceremony was performed by the Bishop 
of Salisbury, assisted by the Pope's Legate. The next 
day she made a stately entry into Bruges, where the 
great procession met her at the gate of Sainte-Croix, of 
the nobles glittering in gold and gems, all the civic 
authorities in their quaint costumes, the prelates and 
clergy in their robes, the foreign trading companies, 
archers, heralds, and countless other gorgeous figures, 
to the deafening welcome of clarions and trumpets. 
As the Lady Margaret, in her robe of cloth of silver 
and crown of diamonds, rode through the streets hung 
with splendid tapestry and cloth of gold, white doves 
were let loose from the triumphal arches as she passed 
beneath. As for the entertainments provided, the 
dramatic representations in the streets, the tournaments, 
the banquets, and other delights, many pages would 
be required to do them justice in all their glory. It is 
curious to read the account given by John Paston the 
younger, who had the good fortune to be in Bruges at 
this auspicious moment. 

We are told that at the first banquet, on the other 

144 



DUKE OF MILAN 

side of the Duke Charles, in his "short gowne of 
goldsmith's work and diamantis, perles and so great 
balas (rubies), sat the Damoysell of Bourgogne," his 
daughter Marie, a girl of eleven, the heir of his great 
dominions, to whom her new stepmother was always a 
loyal and faithful friend. 

Another marriage had taken place this year in which 
Louis XI was very greatly interested, that of Galeazzo 
Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan, with Bona of Savoy, the 
younger sister of Queen Charlotte, who had been 
brought up at the Court of France. The wedding took 
place at Amboise on the loth of May, 1468, in the 
presence of the King and Queen, Cardinal Balue being 
the officiating priest. The Duchess Dowager of Milan, 
Bianca Visconti, ratified the marriage contract. She 
died the following October, '*more from sorrow of 
heart than sickness of body," and the Italian chroniclers 
accuse Galeazzo of ingratitude towards his mother. 
In fact, many of them paint him in the blackest colours, 
and say "that he gave himself up to unbridled pro- 
fligacy and cruelty." But we also hear of him as a liberal 
patron of art and learning. He greatly encouraged 
the University of Pavia, and founded a library at 
Milan ; he introduced printing into his duchy, and 
Milan is credited with the honour of the first book pro- 
duced in Italy, the Grammar of Lascaris, a Greek 
professor who took refuge here after the fall of 
Constantinople. 

Lodovico Sforza, the younger brother of Galeazzo, 
was sent by him to receive the bride at Genoa. 
Amongst the many letters written by Louis XI to the 
Duke of Milan, there is one written on the 26th of July, 
expressing his great satisfaction at the good impression 
L 145 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

made by Bona of Savoy, "nostra sorella e figliola, 
Madama Bona." The poor lady was destined to meet 
with much trouble in after years, but from all we learn 
about her she was very extravagant, vain, and foolish. 
" Qui estoit de petit sens," says Commines. 

At the present time the Duke of Milan was a valuable 
ally to Louis, whom we find writing to thank him for 
the ships and troops which he has sent into Catalonia, 
July, 1468, and there are also several letters asking the 
Duke to have everything in readiness to commence 
hostilities against Savoy, as soon as the King's troops 
make war on Burgundy. 

On the expiration of the truce, the King caused his 
army to march against the Norman towns which were 
still in the possession of the Bretons ; Bayeux, Cou- 
tances, and several other towns were soon retaken, but 
Caen stood out with the help of a reinforcement from 
Burgundy. On the other side the Marquess du Pont, 
at the head of the troops from Anjou and Poitou, made 
a vigorous invasion of Brittany, took Chantoce, and 
passed on to the siege of Ancenis. The Duke Fran9ois, 
seeing himself in peril, called to his help the Duke of 
Burgundy, but his old ally was still bound by his 
truce. After many days of discussion, the Duke of 
Brittany, seeing no hope of support, signed a treaty 
of peace at Ancenis. The appanage of Charles of 
France still remained to be settled, and it was sug- 
gested that Jean of Calabria and the Constable of 
St. Pol should be the umpires; but "Monsieur" re- 
fused, and remained in Brittany. Thus nothing could 
be settled, and new complications arose at the last 
moment. 

A deplorable incident took place at this time, in 

146 



THE HOUSE OF SAVOY 

which Louis gave an instance of that stern and pitiless 
severity which contrasts so strongly with his frequent 
acts of clemency. Charles de Melun, Seigneur de 
Nantouillet, his former friend and favourite, was tried 
by order of the King for high treason ; he was found 
guilty and beheaded in August, 1468. Commines says 
that he did not deserve this fate, ''which befell him 
more by the pursuit of his enemies than by the fault of 
the King." Other rebels and traitors were freely for- 
given, but Charles de Melun had two powerful enemies 
— Cardinal Balue, whom he had greatly favoured, and 
Dammartin, who had good cause to remember his fatal 
suppression of evidence at his trial. 

It was by such deeds as the execution of Charles de 
Melun, that Louis made himself hated and feared by 
the nobles, for who, in those days of constant treachery, 
could think himself safe from discovery and a like 
retribution ? 

The Princes of the House of Savoy were amongst 
those of his kindred who turned against Louis in the 
hour of his necessity. Philip de Bresse had been set 
free after his two years' imprisonment, and had re- 
ceived many tokens of favour, but his restless spirit 
drew him into intrigues with Burgundy, and at length 
on June 24, at Pont-de-Faux, he openly ratified his 
treaty with Duke Charles, who bestowed upon him 
the collar of the Golden Fleece and a large pension, 
when he fled into Burgundy, taking with him his two 
brothers, Louis of Savoy, Bishop of Geneva, and Jacques 
Count of Romont. 

But the reigning Duke of Savoy, Amedee le Bien- 
heureux, the husband of Yolande of France, came on 
a visit to Paris to protest against the conduct of his 

147 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

two brothers and to thank the King for his support 
in the matter of Montferrand. Amedee was a pious, 
saintly character, quite out of place as a ruling prince 
in those turbulent days, for his real vocation was the 
monastic life, where he could have spent all his time 
unmolested in prayer and meditation. He was received 
with great honour by Louis XI, who "set free many 
prisoners," as the most pleasing offering to his gentle 
guest. 



148 



CHAPTER IX 

1468-70 

Louis XI goes to Peronne — His great Peril — Treaty 
WITH Charles of Burgundy— Louis compelled to 
Join in the Siege and Destruction of Liege — 
Treachery and Punishment of Cardinal Balue — 
Louis XI gives Guienne to his Brother Charles — 
Louis makes Peace between Marguerite of Anjou 
and the Earl of Warwick. 

The truce between France and Burgundy came to an 
end on July 15, 1468, and in preparation for this date, 
Charles of Burgundy had collected a great army on 
the frontier, with a strong supply of horses, wagons, 
tents, and artillery. His camp, surrounded in the 
usual manner by a barrier of wagons, with an outer 
defence of palisades and entrenchments, lined not only 
with tente, but rough houses built of clay, was almost 
like a fortified city. On receiving an earnest appeal 
from the Duke of Brittany — "Je vous prie sur tout 
I'amour et I'alliance d'entre vous et moy, qu'a ce 
besoing me venez secousir ; . . . car il en est temps et 
le plus deligement que pourrez venez, et sans plus 
delay " — Charles crossed the Somme with a part of his 
army. He was apparently about to open the campaign, 
when a Breton herald brought him news of the Treaty 
of Ancenis, and in his fury at the defection of his 
ally, the Duke at first declared that the dispatches 

149 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

were forged, and threatened to hang the luckless 
messenger. 

Louis took advantage of this moment to try and 
widen the breach between the former allies, and he 
sent various embassies to Charles with the most favour- 
able terms, and even an offer of a large sum to pay the 
expenses of the Duke's war preparations. Cardinal 
Balue and the Constable St. Pol were sent to the 
enemy's camp, and from September 21st to the 29th there 
was much discussion, but no result. So many different 
accounts are given of the events which followed, that it 
is extremely difficult to find out what really happened. 

Was it the treacherous counsel of Cardinal Balue 
which first suggested to the King that a personal inter- 
view with Charles would be the simplest way of settling 
the matter and avoiding the war which Louis dreaded 
for his country more than anything else? We shall 
never know, but at least Balue did all in his power to 
encourage the perilous move which was vehemently 
opposed by Dammartin, the other generals, and all the 
King's true friends. Louis himself had a very high 
idea of his own power of persuasion, and he hoped to 
persuade the Duke at this crisis to break entirely with 
Brittany and Charles of France, and to become the 
faithful friend and ally of France. So splendid a result 
would be worth any effort, and Louis hastened to pro- 
pose the meeting to the Duke of Burgundy, and to 
ask for a safe-conduct. This was sent by Charles, in 
the most clear and explicit terms. 

" Sire, if it be your pleasure to come to this town of 
Peronne that we may confer together, I swear and 
promise you, by my faith and on my honour, that you 
may come, remain and sojourn and return in surety 

150 



LOUIS XI GOE^ TO PERONNE 

. . . freely and openly, without let or hindrance to 
you or any of your people, by me or any other, for any 
cause that now exists or that hereafter may arise. ..." 
This letter, in the handwriting of Charles, dated 
October 8, is still preserved in the Public Library of 
Paris. 

Louis, remembering that he had recently sent two 
delegates to Liege "to provoke a diversion," now sent 
off an urgent message to these envoys and also to the 
men of Liege, explaining fully his project of reconcilia- 
tion, and strongly impressing upon them the necessity 
of peace, so the historian Garnier relates. The Duke 
also appears to have sent a message to the Bishop of 
Liege and the Sire d'Humbercourt, requesting them at 
once to retire to Tongres : " comme une maniere de 
provocation." The King set forth from Noyon with 
the Duke of Bourbon, the Bishop of Lyons, the Sire 
de Beaujeu, the Count of Dunois, Cardinal Balue, and 
St. Pol, whose conduct at this time had been more 
than doubtful, as he strongly advocated this dangerous 
journey. The rest of the suite consisted of eighty Scots 
Guards and sixty horsemen. The King was met on 
the frontier by a Burgundian escort of two hundred 
lances, and Charles, with a company of nobles, awaited 
him on the banks of a little river near Peronne. 

Nothing could be more friendly than the meeting 
between these two old enemies ; they embraced each 
other and then rode side by side into the town, in 
earnest conversation like the dearest of friends, to the 
lodging prepared for the King near the castle, which 
was said to be out of repair. The picturesque story 
is told that as he looked out of window, " le Roy 
present aux fenestres de sondit logis," he saw arriving 

151 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

in the courtyard below a group of his most deadly- 
enemies, all rebels and traitors now serving with the 
army of Burgundy, "and who seemed come to brave 
him." For the first time Louis realized what he had 
done, and a sudden panic came over him, but he gave 
no other sign of it than to send a message to the Duke, 
asking if he might take up his quarters in the castle 
itself. This request was at once granted, and the same 
afternoon, he passed under the massive gateway with 
his few followers between a file of the Burgundian 
guard, and found that the room assigned to him was 
near a certain tower, in which a Count de Vermandois 
had caused one of his ancestors, Charles the Simple, to 
be put to death. This was a gruesome memory, but 
worse was to come. The conferences began the next 
day, and the King of France was willing to make 
almost any concession if Charles would give up his 
alliance with England and Brittany, but this was the 
very point on which the Duke was obstinate, and no 
progress was made. 

For the events which followed, we will tell the story 
given by Commines, who was an eye-witness of much 
which he relates. On the evening of October lo news 
arrived at Peronne that there had been a terrible out- 
break of savage rebellion of the men of Liege, that 
Tongres had been taken and sacked, the garrison slain, 
the Bishop and Humbercourt murdered, and that this 
was all done under the command of the agents sent by 
Louis. This report was very greatly exaggerated and 
in a measure false, but the men of Liege had fetched 
their Bishop back from Tongres ** without violence," 
had killed one canon whom they specially hated, 
and sixteen other people. Charles of Burgundy pro- 

152 



LOUIS IN DEADLY PERIL 

fessed to believe the very worst, and gave way to such 
violent rage that those about him feared for the King's 
life. The gates of the castle and the town were closed, 
the guards doubled, and no one permitted to enter or 
depart. Commines, who slept in the Duke's chamber, 
says that he "did not pull off his clothes even on the 
third night after this happened, but only threw himself 
twice or thrice upon the bed, and then got up again 
and walked about. ... I walked several turns with 
him. . . . The next morning he was in a greater 
passion than ever. ..." During this time Commines 
had done his best to soothe and calm his angry lord, 
but from all we learn, Louis never had a narrower 
escape than during that imprisonment in the grim 
castle of Peronne. 

No later study of history can ever make us forget 
the vivid fancy picture of this incident with which the 
"Wizard of the North" charmed our youth, in the 
pages of Quentin Durward^ and the impression left 
upon us is probably accurate in one point; the extreme 
peril of the King so fully realized by him. His worst 
enemies, (amongst whom I am afraid we must count 
Sir Walter Scott), have always given him credit for 
great courage and presence of mind in adversity, and 
these qualities are clearly seen in the eleven letters pre- 
served to us, which Louis wrote during the eventful 
three weeks when he was at the mercy of his most 
deadly foe. 

There is not the slightest trace of hurry or excite- 
ment in those which he wrote to the Duke of Milan 
on October 13 ; in one he calmly expresses his wish 
to keep the Milanese Secretary, " maistre Albert," to 
whom he dictates a long epistle written down in Italian, 

153 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

and ending with fourteen lines in cipher, of which the 
key, alas ! has never been found ! The Duke of Milan 
is warmly thanked for his readiness to second the King 
in his operations against Savoy ; but he is specially re- 
quested to suspend all hostilities on account of the 
negotiations then being carried on with the Duke of 
Burgundy, which it is hoped will have a favourable 
issue. 

On the 14th, Louis writes to the Grand Master, 
Dammartin ; he tells the story of his coming to 
Peronne, of the conferences with his "brother" the 
Duke, and how "graces a Nostre Seigneur, avons 
jure paix finable sollempnellement sur la vraye croix, 
et promis ayder, deffendre et secourir I'un I'autre a 
jamais. ..." Whereupon his brother of Burgundy 
gives thanks in all the churches. And as his aforesaid 
brother of Burgundy has had news that the men of 
Liege have taken his cousin the Bishop of Liege, whom 
he is determined to recover by any means ". . . il 
m'a supplice et requis que, en faveur luy, aussi que 
ledit evesque est mon prochain parent, lequel je suis 
en bon droit tenu de secourir, que mon plaisir fust 
aller jusques es marches du Liege, qui sont prochaines 
d'icy, ce que je luy ay ottroye ... en esperance de 
brief retourner, moyennant I'aide de Dieu. ..." Then 
he adds instructions to Dammartin, as general of his 
great army on the frontier, to disband " I'arriere-ban et 
les frans archiers," who are to be carefully conducted 
home by their captains that they may do no damage. 

This astounding order may have been sent by the 
wish of the Duke of Burgundy, whose slightest word 
was now law ; or it may have been prompted by the 
anxiety of the King lest his faithful captain should 

154 



LOUIS AT THE SIEGE OF LIEGE 

attempt a rescue. In any case, Dammartin had not the 
slightest intention of obeying ; it is even said that he 
defiantly sent word to Charles that unless the King 
returned, all France would come to fetch him. 

In his character of war correspondent, Louis wrote 
the same mild account of his visit to Peronne and of 
his willingness to aid in the rescue of his "cousin," 
the Bishop of Liege, to various cities — Senlis, Com- 
piegne, Poitiers, and others, bidding the authorities see 
to their defences. The Treaty of Peronne, signed by 
both the Princes, insisted on the full execution of that 
made at Conflans ; the relief of the courts of Flanders 
from the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris, the 
surrender of the King's suzerain rights over Picardy, 
the sanction of the Duke's alliance with England, and 
the release of Burgundy from all fealty to the King if 
the treaty were not fully executed. 

It must be remembered that by this time Charles 
knew what had really been done by the men of Liege, 
but he still remained fiercely indignant. Michelet asks 
if this was mere acting. It suited the Duke's purpose 
to think that he had been betrayed, and to keep up his 
blind fury so as to forget the explicit safe-conduct 
which he had given. He insisted that Louis should 
accompany him in person to put down the rebellion of 
Liege, and the King had no choice but to consent 
willingly, as the friendly Commines had specially 
warned him to agree to everything. With all his 
opportunities as an eye-witness, it must be owned that 
Commines is a most tantalizing chronicler. At the 
critical moment of the story, when we hold our breath 
in suspense, he calmly goes off into two long tedious 
dissertations on general principles. "Digression sur 

155 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

I'avantage que les bonnes lettres, et principalement les 
histoires font aux princes et grands seigneurs." And 
again: "Digression sur ce que, quand deux grands 
princes s'entrevoyent pour cuider appaiser differends, 
telle venue est plus dommageable que profitable." 

On October 15, the King and the Duke set out to- 
gether from Peronne in very bad weather, for the 
winter was already beginning. They slept at Cambray 
on the 17th, and reached Namur on the morning of the 
2ist, remaining there three days, during which Louis 
wrote again to Dammartin, repeating his assurance 
that he was under no restraint, that he was well treated, 
and that his messenger would tell of "la bonne chere 
que nous faisons." Louis thanks his faithful general 
for having made no hostile demonstration, "car les 
gens de monseigneur de Bourgoigne eussent cuide que 
je les eusse voulu tromper, et ceulx de par dela eussent 
cuide que j'eusses este prisonnier ; ainsi jpar deffiance 
les ungs des autres, j'estois perdu. ..." Louis then 
gives directions about the removal of the army from 
the frontier, and bids his general meet him at Laon, for 
as soon as Liege is subdued he will leave, for the Duke 
"desire plus mon retour de par dela que je ne faitz. 
..." Did Charles really desire his departure? 

The King has leisure of mind to write other letters 
from Namur — with regard to preparation for repelling 
a proposed descent of the English in Guienne, and 
also about an affair which concerns the Duke of 
Calabria. Even when he is before Liege he continues 
his correspondence with undiminished serenity ; but 
he remarks to the Count of Foix that when he sets 
forth homewards on the following Tuesday (it proved 
to be a day later, Wednesday, November 2), he "will 

156 



TREACHERY OF CARDINAL BALUE 

not cease to ride without any delay until he arrives, 
* dela ! '" 

The Pope, Paul II, who had so long opposed Liege, 
appears to have been induced by the King of France to 
revoke all interdicts against the city and to send his 
Legate to make peace between the Bishop, whose 
character was well known, and his flock. But this did 
not suit the policy of Charles, to whose influence the 
worthless Louis of Bourbon yielded, and instead of 
returning to Liege, where the people were prepared to 
receive him with all submission, he joined the Bur- 
gundian Governor, Humbercourt, at Tongres, and it 
was this treachery which roused the fury of the men of 
Liege. When the Duke of Burgundy arrived to attack 
them with an army "which might have conquered an 
emperor," the wretched citizens — whose walls had been 
razed to the ground, and whose artillery and munitions 
of war had been confiscated — were absolutely at the 
mercy of their powerful enemy. At the suggestion of 
the Legate, they sent their Bishop to intercede for them, 
offering to give up all their worldly possessions, if only 
their lives might be spared. But Charles, in his rage, 
refused to listen to any intercession, and swore that 
nothing should stay his vengeance. The besieged 
fought with the courage of despair ; in their first sally 
they were driven back with great loss, but a few days 
later, they made another attack at nightfall on the 
camp and slew a number of the soldiers of Burgundy. 
On the night of the 29th, a resolute company of miners 
and colliers from the hilly district round, made a des- 
perate attack upon the suburb in which the King and 
Duke were quartered, not far apart, and we are told 
that the owner of the Duke's house was killed by the 

157 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Scottish guard, which always protected the person of 
the King. Charles has been suspected of connivance, 
but probably without reason. In any case, the alarm 
was given and the assailants were overwhelmed, 
fighting to the last. 

Commines greatly admires the courage and presence 
of mind of the King on this occasion. Having once 
given his word, Louis fought steadily on the Burgun- 
dian side, wearing the St. Andrew's Cross, and crying, 
"Vive Bourgogne ! " He used all his influence in 
imploring the Duke to save the doomed city from the 
horrors of a sack, but Charles only replied with an 
insult, and gave orders for the final assault on Sunday, 
October 30, when the citizens, vaguely hoping that the 
day would be respected, were off their guard, and 
made but little resistance. The horrors of that awful 
time surpassed even those at the destruction of Dinant. 
All the hapless people who could not pay a ransom to 
satisfy their captors, were drowned in the river. The 
brutal soldiery cut down women, children, and old 
men, not sparing those who had taken refuge in the 
churches, from which the chalices and holy vessels were 
seized, even being snatched from the hands of the 
priests. The wretched fugitives who escaped to the 
mountains were pursued by Charles himself with 
malignant energy, and the places where they had taken 
refuge were set on fire. 

He had taken leave of the King of France three days 
after the assault, when they went through the Articles 
of the Peace together, and at the last moment, Louis 
asked what was he to do if his brother should not be 
satisfied with his appanage. To this the Duke replied : 
*'S'M ne le veut prendre, mais que vous fassiez qu'il 

158 



TREACHERY OF CARDINAL BALUE 

soit content, je m'en rapporte a vousdeux." ''Great 
things followed from this question and answer, as you 
will hear," says Commines. 

The whole story of Peronne could not fail to excite 
the satirical wit of the Parisians, and the King, after 
his three weeks of keen anxiety, felt this acutely, and 
was unwise enough to show it. He ordered that all 
who spoke ill of the Duke of Burgundy should be 
severely punished, while the names were to be taken of 
all owners of magpies, jackdaws, and other talking 
birds, who had been maliciously taught to cry 
"Peronne!" 

The King took up his abode again at Tours and 
Amboise, and we see in his many letters of this period, 
the minute care which he took about all the affairs of 
his kingdom. We find him making arrangements 
about the silk looms of Lyons, granting a great number 
of remissions and amnesties, making rules for the 
"corps de metiers" of Tours, Soissons, and other 
towns, establishing fairs and markets wherever they 
were asked for, giving leave for the fortification of 
certain castles, insisting upon the restitution of money 
and goods stolen from a certain spice-merchant, and 
the record of favours accorded to the churches and 
abbeys of Gap, of Lu9on, of Noyon, and others. 

There was a much more painful task before the King 
of France. Cardinal Balue had been high in his favour 
before the incident of Peronne, but he could not fail to 
remember by whose advice he had walked into that 
trap. His suspicions were now aroused, and were fully 
justified when, soon after, a messenger carrying a letter 
in cipher, written by the Cardinal, was arrested near 
Chateaudun. When taken to Amboise and questioned, 

159 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

this Simon Belee confessed everything. Never was 
treachery more complete and unpardonable. Balue 
betrayed all the King's intentions to the Duke of 
Burgundy, told him that Charles of France would 
probably be persuaded to accept Guienne instead of 
Champagne and la Brie, and advised him to prevent 
the reconciliation of the two brothers by at once send- 
ing to fetch Charles by sea from the Breton coast to the 
Netherlands. The letter also pressed the Duke to fortify 
in haste Amiens, Abbeville, and St. Quentin, and by 
all possible means to win over the Duke of Brittany 
and the Constable St. Pol. 

On making this discovery Louis immediately sent for 
the Cardinal and his friend and accomplice, Guillaume 
d'Harancourt, Bishop of Verdun, who confessed all, 
but Balue stood out, and sought in vain to excuse him- 
self in a private interview with the King at Amboise. 
The trial took place in the most solemn and impartial 
manner, and both the Prelates were found guilty of 
high treason. Every judicial form had been observed ; 
a deputation had been sent to the Pope, who was 
surrounded by friends of Burgundy, and there were 
long and learned disquisitions on the subject of the 
Bishops being tried only in an ecclesiastical court. At 
length the King lost patience ; the crime was fully 
proved, and the very rank of the offenders made an 
example necessary, but he shrank from inflicting the 
usual penalty of death. The Cardinal had once 
recommended to his master an invention of some 
Italian tyrant: a cage of iron eight feet square; and 
possibly with a grim sense of humour, Louis XI in his 
most pitiless mood, ordered two of these horrible prisons 
to be prepared for the guilty Prelates. Commines says 

i6o 



N- 




REINE 




D^VNJOU, 
B 'AN G L E TERRE ; 



To face p. i6o 



LOUIS XI GIVES GUIENNE 

that the Bishop of Verdun invented the cage. This 
gave great amusement to the people of Paris, who 
hated Balue, and the following heartless rondel, 
amongst others, was sung in the streets : — 

Maitre Jean Balue 
A perdu la vue 
De ses ^vech^s ; 
Monsieur de Verdun 
N'en a pas plus un, 
Tous sont ddpech^s. 

It is only fair to remark that these cages were fixed 
in large upper rooms, and were probably much drier 
and more healthy than the slimy dungeons under- 
ground. 

An historian always hostile to Louis XI mentions 
this cruel sentence without a word of reprobation, 
simply remarking that the Bishops "passed eleven 
years in tranquil retirement, undisturbed by the 
tumults, unharassed by the temptations of the world." 

This secret fomenter of discord having been re- 
moved, the King renewed his earnest endeavours to 
make a lasting peace with his brother. He won over 
to his side Odet d'Aydie, Sire of Lescun, who had 
great influence with ** Monsieur," and persuaded the 
foolish vacillating young Prince to accept the splendid 
appanage of Guienne, with Saintonge and the govern- 
ment of la Rochelle, while his income was raised to 
80,000 livres. After Charles had taken formal posses- 
sion of his fief and sworn fidelity, a meeting was 
arranged between the brothers to complete their recon- 
ciliation. This took place on September 7, 1469, on 
a bridge of boats over the Sevre, on the frontier of 
Guienne, and we can tell the story from the King's 

M 161 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

own letters. *'Dieu mercy et Nostre Dame, aujourd- 
'huy, a six heures apres midy, nostre beau frere le due 
de Guienne s'est venu rendre devers nous au Port de 
Berault, ainsi qu'il avoit este appoincte. Et pour ce 
qu'il avoit aucunes barrieres fortes entre nous deux, il 
nous a requis faire tout rompre incontinent et s'en est 
venu devers nous . . . et nous a fait la plus grande 
et ample obeissance qu'il estoit possible de faire, et 
nous devons encore demain trouver ensemble. . . ." 

A wooden barrier had been made as usual, with a 
grating of iron bars to look through, and it was 
through this that the younger Prince insisted on pas- 
sing. They embraced each other, and were most 
cordial and affectionate, while later letters of the King 
speak of their stay together and their mutual promises 
of future confidence. The Duke of Burgundy was 
furious when he heard of their good understanding, 
and the more so when his ambassadors were coldly 
received by the new Duke of Guienne, who refused his 
offer of the collar of the Golden Fleece. The King of 
France, he said, had recently instituted a new Order 
of St. Michael, of which he was the first member, and 
he was not able to accept any other. 

Towards the end of December, Charles of France 
paid a visit to the King and Queen at Plessis-les-Tours, 
where he was received with great joy, and was sump- 
tuously entertained. He had given back to the King 
the ring with which he was supposed to *' espouse la 
duchie," and we have a curious message from Louis 
that the ring is to be publicly shown and broken at the 
next session of the Exchequer of Normandy. During 
this year, the Count of Armagnac had been in constant 
secret rebellion, although so often pardoned before. 

162 



MARGUERITE AND WARWICK 

He had invited the English to enter Gascony, and had 
promised to make them masters of that province 
and of Languedoc. His undisciplined troops com- 
mitted so many excesses that at length he was sum- 
moned to appear before the Parliament, and on his 
repeated refusal was attacked, defeated, and con- 
demned. He fled into Spain, and his estates were 
confiscated. 

Meantime there was a crisis in the affairs of England, 
for during the summer of 1469 an insurrection broke 
out in the north, when Lord Herbert, Earl of Pem- 
broke, was defeated and beheaded. The Earl of War- 
wick came over from Calais with Clarence and took 
King Edward IV prisoner to Coventry, where they 
seized Earl Rivers, the Queen's father, and her brother, 
Sir John Woodville, and put them to death. On 
hearing of these events, Marguerite of Anjou, who 
had now been nearly seven years in exile, took fresh 
courage ; she left her lonely castle at Verdun, and with 
her son. Prince Edward, came in December to visit 
Louis XI at Tours, where her father, King Rene, 
came to meet her and consult what use they should 
make of Edward's defeat. The King of France was 
most friendly, and every post brought news of risings 
and war in England. Then came a report that 
Edward IV was free, and that the Earl of Warwick 
had attempted to make good his flight by landing at 
Calais, but had been refused admittance to the city by 
his own lieutenant. His only refuge now was France, 
and Louis received him willingly, having resolved 
upon the bold plan of making an alliance, if possible, 
between Marguerite of Anjou and the man who had 
consigned her unfortunate husband, Henry VI, to these 

163 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

long years of captivity. It was suggested that her 
son, the Prince of Wales, a handsome lad of seven- 
teen, should marry Anne Neville, the second daughter 
of Warwick, whose eldest daughter was the wife of 
the Duke of Clarence — such were the extraordinary 
complications in this tangled diplomacy. 

Before the proud Marguerite could make up her 
mind to such an alliance with her bitterest enemy of 
past times, a great event happened for the King and 
France. A son was born to Queen Charlotte at 
Amboise, on June 30, 1470, after so many years of 
hope deferred, and throughout the land there were 
great rejoicings, while the Te Deum was sung in all 
the churches. Never was Dauphin of France wel- 
comed with more joy than the future Charles VIII, and 
the King, in thanksgiving, made rich presents to St. 
Peter's at Rome, and other churches, more especially 
to Notre-Dame du Puy, where a silver image of the 
child was presented. After the baptism, at which the 
god-parents were the Prince of Wales and Jeanne 
Duchess of Bourbon the King's sister, most of the 
royal party proceded to Angers for the wedding of 
the young Prince Edward with Anne Neville. 

Marguerite had at last yielded to the persuasion of 
her father, Rene of Anjou who, with the Duke of 
Guienne and the Earl of Warwick, was amongst the 
guests at the quiet ceremony which took place on July 
25, 1470. The King thus mentions it in a letter to 
Monseigneur du Plessis, in which he makes provision 
for the maintenance of the Earl of Warwick and his 
men until they set sail for England. ^'Aujourd'uy 
avons fait le mariage de la royne d'Angleterre et de lui, 
et demain espere I'avoir du tout depesche prest a s'en 

164 



MARGUERITE AND WARWICK 

partir." Louis paid all the expenses, and we find in 
the royal accounts of this year: *'A maistre Jehan Le 
Marchant, prestre, la somme de XXVII 1. x. s. t. pour 
vingt escus d'or, a luy donnee par le roy ... en 
faveur de ce qu'il estoit espouser le prince de Galles a 
la fille du conte de Warwich." 

The King was very anxious for the departure of 
Warwick, as a fleet of English and Burgundian vessels 
was hanging about the coast and keeping the whole 
neighbourhood in alarm. At length the Earl seized his 
opportunity of a thick fog, and set forth, protected by 
French ships, and was so lucky as not only to escape 
his enemies, but to take a convoy of fifteen merchant 
craft which were sold as prize of war at Dartmouth. 
We are told that Louis went to Mont-Saint-Michel in 
order to receive the earliest news of the enterprise. On 
his way back to Tours, he made a special visit to St. 
Lo, to reward a certain woman who had helped in the 
heroic defence of the town against the Bretons. When 
the news arrived of the success of his allies, and the 
release and restoration of Henry VI on October 25, he 
caused public proclamation to be made of his alliance 
with the King of England, and his order to receive all 
English merchants and others without safe-conduct, 
save Edward, formerly called King of England^ and 
his accomplices. 

In a few words, this is what had happened. Edward 
was at York when he received news of Warwick's land- 
ing, and he was unwise enough to send against him 
Lord Montague, the Earl's brother, who already had a 
private grudge against the King, and who at once 
joined his enemies. By a sudden turn of fate, Edward 
found himself deserted, and was warned that in flight 

165 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

was his only safety. He rode by night to Lynn, found 
a ship in the harbour, and embarked at once with no 
other escort than two Dutch merchant ships. In his 
company were his brother Richard, Duke of Glouces- 
ter, Lord Rivers, Lord Hastings, and their attendants ; 
they had no clothes but those they wore and no goods 
of any kind, so that they were in poor case when at 
length they reached the Hague and claimed the pro- 
tection of the Duke of Burgundy. 

A fugitive king is a very awkward visitor, and 
Charles by no means rejoiced at his coming. He 
privately advanced his brother-in-law 50,000 gold 
florins, but for fear of arousing enmity with the new 
rulers of England, he publicly announced that no one 
was to support him. He wrote a conciliatory letter 
which he sent by Commines to the English deputy, 
pointing out that he was of the blood of Lancaster, 
and that his alliance with Edward IV was chiefly one 
of commerce which he earnestly wishes to continue. 
This was a subject which troubled him much at that 
time, as owing to the bad treatment which French 
subjects had received, Louis XI had forbidden his 
subjects to attend the fairs at Antwerp or to have any 
dealings with the Netherlands or other domains of the 
Duke of Burgundy. There was so much commerce at 
this period between England and the Netherlands, that 
this was in truth the great safeguard for peace between 
the Duke of Burgundy and the King of England, 
whoever he might be, for in these ''Wars of the 
Roses " there were such quick transformation scenes 
that it is often doubtful who was the figure-head. For 
the hapless Henry VI was little more than a phantom 
king, a pale meek image of royalty, passive in the 

166 



MARGUERITE AND WARWICK 

strong hands of Warwick the King-maker. As Chas- 
tellain sees him from afar : *' Y avait ung roy assis en 
chaiere ; autant y eust fait ung sac de laine . . . il etaut 
une ombre . . . le roy estoit subgect et muet comme 
ung veau couronne." (There was a king sitting on a 
throne as if he had been a sack of wool ... he was 
a shadow . . . the King was subject and mute as a 
crowned calf.") 



167 



CHAPTER X 

1470-2 

Birth of the Dauphin (Charles VIII)— Death of 
Jean of Calabria— Success of Edward IV — Mar- 
guerite OF Anjou takp:n Prisoner, and her Son 
slain after the Battle of Tewkesbury— Sixtus IV 
succeeds Paul II — Death of Charles Duke of 
Guienne — Invasion of France by the Duke of Bur- 
gundy—Gallant Defence of Beauvais. 

On December 13, 1470, Louis wrote from Amboise to 
Dammartin the "Grand Maitre " : *' Mon frere de 
Guienne s'en alia hyer bien content ; aussi la royne 
d'Angleterre et Madame de Warvic [Countess of 
Warwick] s'en yront demain. Mon frere le connestable 
et le mareschal Joachim s'en partiront demain ou 
samedi, et ung chascun s'en yra faire ses diligences. 
J'ay bien esperance que de vostre part vous les ferez 
bonnes. . . . Monseigneur de Torcy s'en yra 
demain. . . ." 

When the Duke of Guienne found himself no longer 
the heir to the throne after the birth of the Dauphin, 
there was every cause to fear that he might recommence 
his intrigues, and the King bestowed fresh favours 
upon him to ensure his allegiance. He was still 
anxious to procure a Spanish bride for his brother, and 

168 



BIRTH OF THE DAUPHIN 

as Isabel of Castile was now married to Ferdinand of 
Aragon, there only remained the reputed daughter of 
King Enrique of Castile, Juana, known as la Beltra- 
neja, then nine years old. An embassy was therefore 
sent to the Court of Enrique IV, which was received 
with much honour, and after a great public assembly — in 
which the King and Queen swore that Juana was really 
their daughter and she was acclaimed as heiress of the 
Crown of Castile — the betrothal with the Duke of 
Guienne was celebrated. 

In honour of this event Charles of France gave 
a great tournament, to which his brother-in-law, the 
Prince of Viana, Gaston de Foix, came with a 
gallant company, and gained the prize. But he 
paid dearly for it, as he was wounded by a lance and 
died a few days later. After much dispute, it was 
settled that his two children, Fran9ois Phoebus and 
Catherine of Foix, should remain in the care of their 
mother Madeleine, the sister of Louis XI, who took 
possession of the province to keep it for the children. 

It was soon after this, on December i6, 1470, that 
France lost a powerful ally in Spain, by the sudden 
death of Jean of Calabria, one of the most famous 
captains of the age, at Barcelona. His gallant courage 
and genial courtesy had won all hearts, and as he was 
borne in state, with his victorious sword by his side, to 
the tomb of the sovereigns of Catalonia, his bier was 
followed by a mourning people. He had recently 
gained a great victory over Juan II, and he seemed to 
be on the point of conquering all Catalonia. His death 
happened at a fortunate moment for the King of Aragon, 
and there was the usual suspicion of poison, but 
apparently without foundation. He had married Marie 

169 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

of Bourbon, and left one son, Nicholas of Lorraine, 
Marquess du Pont, who was betrothed to Anne of 
France. 

After his death, all hopes of Aragon melted away 
from his father Rene, for the King of France was too 
much engaged with more immediate dangers near 
home, to have any forces to spare for his allies in the 
south. He had done his utmost to befriend Marguerite 
of Anjou, to whom her brother's death was a great 
sorrow. 

War was now inevitable between France and Bur- 
gundy, but before commencing hostilities, Louis 
summoned a great council at Tours, not this time of 
the States-General, but advisers of his own personal 
selection, and amongst them were many of the most 
learned and wisest men of the kingdom. The unani- 
mous decision appears to have been that the King and 
his subjects were released from all obligations to the 
Duke of Burgundy, on account of his treason and per- 
fidy ; and it was decided that he should be summoned 
to appear before the Parlement of Paris. The audacity 
of such a summons took by surprise the indignant 
Charles, who was at that moment trying to take posses- 
sion of the Duchy of Guelders. He found himself in 
a most difficult position, for he had scarcely an ally, 
and some of his own nobles, such as his half-brother, 
the famous Bastard of Burgundy, fled to the French 
Court, where they were well received. The Duke had 
no standing army like that of Louis, and while he was 
assembling his feudal levies, the war began in Picardy, 
where St. Pol took the town of St. Quentin, and 
Dammartin threatened Abbeville and Amiens. Charles 
wrote angry letters to both the generals, summoning 

170 



WAR WITH BURGUNDY 

the Constable to serve him as his vassal, and abusing 
Antoine de Chabannes, who at once sent him the 
following brave reply : — 

*' *Tres haut et puissant prince ' . . . leaving aside all 
the subtleties imagined by the men of law, I write as 
a man more used to handle the sword than the pen . . . 
as touching the matter of Conflans, and that under- 
taking for the Bien Public, which ought truly to have 
been called le Mai Public, if then I did not serve the 
King, it was not by my fault. ..." He then re- 
proaches the Duke for having abused the confidence of 
the King who knew not the danger in which he placed 
himself, " et vous etes empare de sa personne ; peril 
dont la bonte infinie de Dieu I'a preserve, si bien que 
vous ne putes venir a vos fins. Avec la grace de Dieu, 
ainsi en sera-t-il encore de vos intentions obliques et 
occultes." Then he ends with : " * Tres haut et puissant 
prince,'" nothing has remained to you but shame and 
dishonour . . . for these things will remain an eternal 
memory for all princes born and to be born. ... If 
I write things which displease you, and that you desire 
to revenge yourself on me, I trust that before the feast 
ends, you will find me so near your army that you will 
know how little fear I have of you. . . . These letters 
are written by me, Antoine de Chabannes, Comte de 
Dammartin, grand-maitre de I'hotel de France et 
lieutenant general pour le roi en la ville de Beauvais, 
lequel tres humblement vous a ecrit." 

The orders which Dammartin had received from the 
King were to follow the army of Burgundy, which was 
now reinforced by the fine cavalry of the feudal levies 
and excellent artillery, to harass it, to cut off the 
foraging parties and the supplies. Above all, he was 

171 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

to make a strong resistance if Amiens, which had sur- 
rendered to him, should be attacked. The King 
himself was at Beauvais with the Dukes of Guienne 
and Bourbon, the young Nicholas of Calabria, and 
a host of knights and men-at-arms, all in the most 
splendid discipline. His generals pressed him to 
attack the Duke of Burgundy in force, but Louis re- 
mained true to his principle not to risk his fortune to 
the chance of a pitched battle, a lesson which he had 
learnt at Montl'hery. His tactics were so successful 
that Charles before long made overtures of peace, and 
a truce was concluded for three months on April 14, 
147 1, which left Amiens and St. Quentin in the hands 
of the King. Dammartin was furious at having his 
foes thus generously treated when he looked forward 
to nothing less than their complete defeat, for the Duke 
was attacked on all sides, and had just supplied 
Edward IV with men and money which he could ill 
spare. 

This assistance was invaluable to the cause of the 
White Rose, for Edward had landed in England a 
month before, on March 14, and meeting with the 
most extraordinary success, had been joined by fresh 
adherents in his victorious course until at the battle 
of Barnet, on April 14, fought in a dense fog, the 
Earl of Warwick and his brother were both slain, 
and there was nothing to prevent Edward from 
marching into London in triumph, and sending the 
unfortunate Henry back to the Tower as a prisoner 
once more. Marguerite of Anjou and her son landed 
at Weymouth on the very day of the battle, having 
been delayed by bad weather, and her first impulse 
was to seek sanctuary at Beaulieu Abbey in her 

172 



SUCCESS OF EDWARD IV 

despair at the bad news. But she was soon per- 
suaded by the Duke of Somerset and other nobles 
of her party, to begin a fresh campaign, and the people 
of Cornwall and Devon flocked to her standard. At 
Gloucester the gates of the city were closed against 
her, and after a fatiguing march she reached Tewkes- 
bury, within three miles of her enemy, King Edward. 
Next morning, on May 4, was fought the great battle 
in which the hopes of the House of Lancaster were 
utterly crushed. Queen Marguerite was taken prisoner, 
her son Edward was slain on the field of battle, mur- 
dered, according to some accounts, by King Edward 
himself. His conduct was certainly cruel and treach- 
erous, for having given his oath to spare the fugitives 
who had taken refuge in the abbey-church, he put 
them all to death two days later. On the very night of 
his triumphant arrival in London, King Henry VI 
died in his prison, and although it was prolaimed 
that his death was caused by ''pure displeasure 
and melancholy," nobody believed it. A touch of 
deeper tragedy is added by the fact that on that fatal 
night, the unfortunate Marguerite was brought as a 
prisoner to the Tower, in the close neighbourhood of 
the husband she was never to see again. She remained 
in England until the year 1475, when, on peace being 
made with France, Louis XI was permitted to ransom 
her for 50,000 crowns, and she returned to her own 
land. 

The firm establishment of King Edward on the 
throne of England was a great blow to the King of 
France, and his enemies at once began to plot against 
him. The King of Aragon, who had taken possession 
of Catalonia on the death of Jean of Calabria, pre- 

173 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

pared to attack Roussillon. The Duke of Guienne 
left his brother's Court, and began openly to make 
advances to the Duke of Burgundy and sue for the 
hand of his daughter Marie. This young Princess 
was the bait which her father dangled before the eyes 
of all the marriageable princes of Europe, amongst 
whom we may mention Charles of France, Nicholas 
of Calabria, Philibert of Savoy, Charles the Dau- 
phin, Maximilian of Austria, and others ; but although 
she was nominally betrothed to most of them at one 
time or other, Charles had not the slightest intention 
of encumbering himself with a son-in-law. 

To the Duke the revolution in England was a great 
triumph, and he had sumptuous rejoicings in the city 
of Ghent, Edward IV freely recognized his services, 
and wrote to thank him for his kind hospitality and his 
valuable help. But it is curious to note that the King 
of England could not be induced to enter into a league 
founded on the marriage of Charles of France with 
Marie of Burgundy, as he foresaw that in the event of 
Charles ever coming to the throne of France, the addi- 
tion of the great domains of Burgundy would make 
him too powerful a rival. 

Louis at this time found three of his allies drawn 
away from him by the hope of winning the heiress of 
Burgundy, young Nicholas of Calabria, the Prince of 
Savoy, and his own brother, who refused to be bound 
by the solemn vows he had made. At last, in despair, 
Louis turned to his chief enemy, the Duke of Burgundy 
himself, and actually proposed the marriage of Marie, 
now fifteen years old, with the Dauphin of a year, as 
the basis of a new alliance against Brittany and Guienne ; 
he also proposed to restore the towns he had taken in 

174 



SUCCESS OF EDWARD IV 

Picardy. Charles was quite willing to treat, but he in- 
sisted that the towns should be given up before he 
would sign, and several months were spent in vain 
negotiations. During this time Louis was called in to 
help his sister Yolande Duchess of Savoy, who was 
held captive by her brothers-in-law. He sent the Count 
of Cominges with a considerable force, and in joint 
command he placed his young nephew, Charles Prince 
of Piedmont, who had been brought up at his Court, and 
who was eager to go to the relief of his mother. But 
it unfortunately chanced that the young Prince of 
fifteen, a most promising lad to whom his uncle Louis 
was devoted, fell ill, and died at Orleans. The Count 
of Cominges had to continue his expedition alone ; he 
surprised the castle of Aspremont by night, and con- 
ducted the Duchess Yolande and her suite in safety to 
Grenoble. Through the efforts of her brother Louis, 
peace was concluded in Savoy, and Philippe de Bresse 
was henceforth a faithful friend of the King, who gave 
him command of his troops in the south, the collar of 
the Order of St. Michael, and a company of a hundred 
lances. Philippe married Marguerite of Bourbon in 
January, 147 1, and had two children, Philibert le Beau 
who succeeded him and married later Marguerite of 
Austria, and Louise, known to history as the mother of 
Francis L 

In July of this year France lost a faithful friend in 
Pope Paul II., who was succeeded by the General of 
the Franciscans, Sixtus IV. Louis at once sent an 
ambassador to the new Pope to explain the position in 
which the Duke of Guienne was placed, and to oppose 
the dispensation for his marriage with Marie of 
Burgundy. 

»75 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

There is a curious letter of Louis to the Seigneur du 
Bouchage, maitre d' hotel of his brother Charles, 
written on August i8, 147 1, which is worth quoting in 
part. "With regard to the marriage of Foix (with 
Eleanore, daughter of Gaston IV de Foix) you know 
the harm it would do, and for that use your five senses 
(V^) to prevent it. . . . If the Duke will only take a 
suitable wife, as long as I live I will have no suspicion 
of him, and he shall have as much power or more than 
I have in the kingdom of France. In short, Monseig- 
neur du Bouchage, if you can gain this point, you 
will place me in Paradise ; and remain over there as 
long as Monseigneur de Lescun ... if you have to 
feign illness, and before you leave, put our matter in 
safety, if you can, I pray you. ..." Then he adds 
that he hears of the illness of Marie, but in point of 
fact it was her grandmother, Isabelle of Portugal, who 
was desperately ill, but who lived on till the following 
December. 

The plague raged through France all that autumn, 
and was so bad at Amboise that for some time the 
Court could not go there. Charles of France, who led 
a most licentious and dissipated life, was in very bad 
health, and a letter of the King's has these remarks on 
December 2: " Des nouvelles de monseigneur de 
Guienne, il est toujours empire depuis mes autres 
lettres ; et I'ont porte en litiere a une ville qui s'appelle 
Jaune (Geaune, dep. Landes)." A month later Louis 
receives a letter which says: "Monseigneur de 
Guienne is very ill, whatever they may say (of a quar- 
tan fever), and has caused himself to be carried in a 
litter to Bordeaux, and they say that from there he is 
going to Paris, but^a;- mafoy, I do not believe it con- 

176 




PJioto by jr. A. MafisellS^ Co. 

HENRY VI, KING OF ENGLAND 
After the painting in the National Portrait Gallery, London 



To face p. 176 



DEATH OF CHARLES OF GUIENNE 

sidering what I hear. ..." While all around him des- 
paired of his life, Charles continued to send embassies 
to the Duke of Burgundy, pressing that the marriage 
might be hastened, and plotting on all sides. 

On May i8, the King writes to Dammartin : ". . . 
Since the last letters which I wrote you, I have had 
news that Monseigneur de Guienne is dying, and that 
there is no remedy in his case ; and one of the most 
private ... he has with him has made it known to 
me by express, and they do not think that he will be 
alive in fifteen days from this time. . . ." In point of 
fact the Duke of Guienne died on May 25, 1472, at the 
age of twenty-three. His death was a terrible blow to 
all the King's enemies, for the weak and untrustworthy 
Prince had always been the pretext and rallying point 
of all conspiracies. The Duke of Burgundy in his 
rage and disappointment made no scruple of accusing 
Louis ; ** il venait de faire mourir son frere par poison, 
malefices, sortileges et invocations diaboliques ; . . ." 
He even went so far as to accuse the King of parricide, 
heresy, and idolatry ; he proclaimed a crusade against 
him, quoting texts from the Bible, and offering to pro- 
vide men and money. The Duke advanced no proof 
of his outrageous assertions, and gave no details of any 
accomplices ; while the King published no refutation. 
No doubt he thought it unworthy of him to condescend 
to any answer to such calumnies, which no one who 
has studied the whole history of Charles' illness and 
death can for one moment believe. An historian who 
is usually unfriendly to the King remarks : " I unhesitat- 
ingly acquit Louis of his brother's murder. The most 
circumstantial witness against him, Brantome, is worth- 
less. ..." 

N 177 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

It is interesting to remember that about this time first 
began the custom of the "Angelus," when Louis XI 
on May i, 1472, caused a great procession to be made 
in Paris, and other cities, and especially entreated that 
henceforth at mid-day, each one should bend a knee 
to the ground and say an "Ave Maria" for the peace 
of the realm. Gifts were bestowed later upon the 
churches in order that three times a day the great bell 
might ''sonner trois coups pour avertir de reciter la 
Salutation angelique." It has so long been the custom 
to accuse Louis of superstition and hypocrisy, that it 
may seem strange to suggest that he had deep religious 
feeling, and that his splendid offerings to churches, his 
many pilgrimages, and his constant prayers to God, 
the Virgin, and the saints, were the usual custom of 
devout Christians in his age. We may remember that, 
as a boy of fourteen, his great anxiety was to have a 
" chapelle portative." 

On the death of the Duke of Guienne, the fief 
returned to the Crown of France and was at once occu- 
pied by the royal troops, while Pierre Lord of Beaujeu, 
the future husband of Anne of France, was appointed 
Governor of the province. The household and adherents 
of his brother were well received by the King, but as 
Charles of Burgundy watched the course of events 
from afar, his fury knew no bounds. Without waiting 
for the end, he crossed the River Somme with his army 
at the beginning of June, and as he advanced with fire 
and sword, the little town of Nesle, defended by five hun- 
dred archers, was the first place to resist. After a day of 
hard fighting, the captain saw that resistance was use- 
less, and at daybreak, next morning, he came forth with 
the Countess de Nesle to capitulate. As he returned, 

178 



THE ''ANGELUS" 

at the very moment when his archers were told to lay 
down their arms, the city gates were opened by some 
of the inhabitants, and the men of Burgundy rushed 
in and sacked the town with every kind of violence and 
outrage ; even the old people, and the women and 
children, who had taken refuge in the church, being 
ruthlessly massacred. Some of the archers who were 
spared, lost their right hand, and the brave commander 
was hung. "Tel fruit porte Tarbre de guerre," said 
the Duke, as he rode into the desecrated church, tramp- 
ling upon the slain. 

Terror-struck by this horrible event, the garrisons 
of Roye and Montdidier surrendered without a blow. 
When the King received news of these disasters he 
was at Angers on the borders of Brittany with a large 
force, as he hoped to prevent the Duke Fran9ois com- 
bining with Burgundy. He wrote at once to Dam- 
martin : — 

'*. . . I have good hope that God will help us to 
avenge ourselves, seeing the murders committed in the 
church, as elsewhere, on those who believed their lives 
to be safe, in surety and confidence in the capitulation 
they had made. . . . P.S. — If the said place had been 
dismantled ... as I ordered, this would not have 
happened ; and on this account take care that all 
similar places be * rasees ' ; for if it be not done, we 
shall lose the people therein, ''which will be to me in- 
creasing dishonour and injury. 

June 19, 1472. LoYS." 

There is another very interesting letter of Louis to 
St. Pol, on receiving the bad news from him, which 
shows his keen interest in every detail of the war, and 

179 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

also his advanced ideas on strategy. ..." My opinion 
has always been that you should not hold either Roye 
or Montdidier, nor place men-at-arms in any place 
which is not capable of defence ; and it is no wonder if 
this gain of the Duke of Burgundy makes him proud 
and alarms our people. By the letters which our cap- 
tains write to you, you ought not to leave men-at-arms 
in Noyon, but rather dismantle it and hold Compiegne 
well. . . . With regard to weak places, he gains 
nothing when he takes them, but weakens himself, for 
he is obliged to leave behind men of his company. . . . 
As to what you say to me that I should advance (to 
you), I ought to-morrow to hear news of Brittany if 
they will give up Burgundy or not. . . . Above all (he 
repeats), do not leave men-at-arms in places which are 
not tenable, and place as many in the field as you can 
to harass his host and break his army ; and take good 
care of Compiegne, for the first place which can resist 
him, it will be to his undoing. . . ." 

Never was a truer word spoken, as we shall see by the 
siege of Beauvais, which made one of the most heroic 
defences ever told in history. 

Charles of Burgundy had not ventured to attack 
Compiegne and Amiens which had strong garrisons, 
but he passed on to Beauvais, in a fertile valley sur- 
rounded by wooded hills — an ancient fortified city, but 
without any garrison save some feudal levies which had 
taken refuge here on the surrender of Roye. Philippe 
de Crevecoeur, who commanded the vanguard, arrived 
before Beauvais on Saturday, June 27, 1472, and 
thinking to take it at once by assault, made an attack 
on the Porte de Bresle, where his cannon made a great 
breach. The men of France fought hand to hand with 

180 



HEROIC DEFENCE OF BEAUVAIS 

the besiegers at the breach in the wall, "and some of 
the inhabitants brought kindled faggots to throw in the 
faces of those who were forcing the gate, which broke 
out in flames, and caused the men of Burgundy to 
retreat," says Commines, who was an eye-witness. 
News of the Duke's cruelty had roused in the citizens a 
passionate determination to defend their homes to the 
last. They thronged the walls with such arms as they 
could collect, while the women supplied them with 
ammunition, and bravely joined with them in throwing 
down boiling water or pitch on the heads of those who 
tried to scale the walls. One young girl, known to 
fame as Jeanne la Hachette, especially distinguished 
herself; a Burgundian had planted his standard on the 
battlement, when she tore it from him and hurled him 
into the ditch below. 

The burning gateway still remained a barrier of im- 
passable flames, for the inhabitants resolutely kept up 
the great fire by sacrificing not only their tables and 
chairs, but even the doors and wooden gables of their 
houses. When the Duke arrived with his artillery, he 
was much incensed at this opposition, and swore to 
destroy the city and leave not one soul alive in it. But 
he neglected one important point, and did not invest 
the southern side where two small streams, tributaries 
of the Oise, divide Beauvais. Meantime messengers 
had been sent out in all directions, and reinforcements 
soon arrived from the neighbouring towns, and could 
freely enter from the river side. The garrison of Noyon 
rode fifteen leagues on a hot June day to help in the 
gallant defence, and hastened at once to the ramparts, 
leaving their horses to the women's care. At night, 
new defences were built up behind the breaches in the 

i8i 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

walls, and the flames in the fiery gateway were never 
suffered to burn low. 

The next day more help arrived : the greater part of 
the garrison of Amiens, the Mareschal Rouhault with 
one hundred lances, several companies with artillery, 
and many gentlemen of Normandy, who were full of 
enthusiasm at this splendid defence. An outdoor 
banquet was held in the streets to feast the defenders, 
and women carried round cups of wine to the soldiers 
on the ramparts. All were animated by the same 
gallant spirit ; the city should not be taken while one 
living soul remained to man the walls. The clergy 
bore through the streets in solemn procession the relics 
of Saint Angradesma their patroness, who was believed 
to have saved Beauvais when the English besieged 
it in vain in 1433. 

For ten days longer Charles of Burgundy continued 
to bombard the place, and the walls were broken down 
in many parts, but provisions and ammunition of war 
continued to pour in, while there were constant arrivals 
of fresh auxiliaries. The Provost of Paris came with 
three thousand men-at-arms and some city cross-bow- 
men ; Rouen, Orleans, and other cities sent all they 
could spare, until, as Commines says, the garrison was 
strong enough to defend the hedge of a field, and 
needed no fortified walls. Successful sallies were made, 
and the position of the Duke became serious, for his 
camp was short of provisions, as Dammartin continued 
to hang on his rear and cut off his convoys, while 
heavy rains now flooded the valley and made his position 
more difficult. At length in sullen rage, Charles was 
compelled to give way, and he broke up his camp 
during the night of July 22, and continued his course 

182 



HEROIC DEFENCE OF BEAUVAIS 

into Normandy, carrying fire and sword wherever 
he went. 

Louis had been watching from afar, with intense 
interest, the progress of the siege of Beauvais ; he 
sent various letters to encourage his good subjects, and 
gave numerous orders for help of all kinds to be sent 
them. In thankfulness that ''Dieu m'a donne ceste 
villa " he made a vow to eat no meat until a town in 
silver, at the cost of 1200 ecus, should have been 
presented to the church of St. Martin of Tours. Nor 
did he neglect to reward the gallant citizens ; they were 
not to be called to the "arriere-ban," but were to wear 
their war accoutrement and stay to defend their city if 
need were. They were to be exempt from taxes and to 
be free to choose their own mayor and other officials. 
As for the brave women, they were to walk in the 
yearly procession of the relics of their patron saint, 
preceding the men, and immediately after the clergy. 
They might wear any adornments they pleased, in 
defiance of all sumptuary laws, on their wedding day 
and at other times. Jeanne Laisne (la Hachette) was 
specially rewarded ; and the King, who loved match- 
making, married her to one of his officers, Colin Pilon, 
and by royal letters, exempted them and their descen- 
dants from "tallies, du guet et de la garde des portes." 



183 



CHAPTER XI 

1472-4 

Philippe de Commines enters the Service of Louis 
XI-Treaty with Brittany— Charles of Burgundy 

DISAPPOINTED BY THE EMPEROR— LOUIS HAS TROUBLE 

WITH Armagnac, Alen(^on, and Rene of Anjou — 
Marriage of the King's Daughters, Anne to Pierre 
DE Beaujeu and Jeanne to Louis of Orleans- 
Treaty OF Perpignan. 

After raising the siege of Beauvais, the Duke of 
Burgundy moved by slow marches to the right bank 
of the Seine, devastating the fertile and prosperous 
Pays de Caux from the walls of Rouen to those of 
Dieppe. The crops were destroyed, the villages and 
farmhouses burned, and the fortresses seized and dis- 
mantled, till by his massacres and destruction he earned 
the surname of Charles the Terrible. His obstinacy and 
cruelty were so great that he was a terror in his own 
camp, so that some of his most trusted counsellors 
forsook him, and amongst them the chronicler Philippe 
de Commines. The story of his flight is thus told. 
The Duke had taken the little town of St. Valery on 
the coast, and was encamped near Eu, when on the 
night between the 7th and 8th of August, 1472, his 
favourite chamberlain was reported to have left the 
camp. The vengeance of the outraged prince was 
prompt and decisive. At 6 a.m. on the morning of the 

184 




FREDERICK III 

From an old engraving by Van Sompel 



To face p. i?4 



PHILIPPE DE COMMINES 

8th, Charles signed a document confiscating all the 
estates of the fugitive. 

From the time of his meeting with Louis XI at 
Peronne, Commines had been attracted towards him, 
and this feeling had been strengthened in the summer 
of 147 1, when he had been sent on a mission to the 
King of France. To forsake the master whom he had 
served for ten years was a strong step for this young 
courtier of twenty-seven, but we cannot tell what pro- 
vocation he may have had, for he is silent with regard 
to his motives. He only remarks in his Memoirs: 
"About this time, I came into the King of France's 
service . . . the King was then at Pont de Ce, having 
assembled all his forces against the Duke of Brittany, 
with whom he was at war." 

Commines was warmly welcomed, and Louis could 
not do enough to show his gratitude to the man who 
had stood by him in the most perilous moment of his 
life, in the castle of Peronne. He had great estates 
given him, the title of Prince of Talmont, and the 
following January he married Helene, the daughter 
of the Lord of Montsoreau, with a dowry of 
20,000 ecus d'or. Henceforth Commines was a 
faithful and devoted friend of the King, but he never 
forgot his obligations to his former master, and always 
spoke of him with the utmost kindness. He was now 
an eye-witness of the life of Louis, but his Memoirs 
were chiefly written so long after, that we cannot 
always trust his statement of facts. 

At this time the King was making steady progress in 
Brittany; Chantoce was besieged and taken, then the 
royal army attacked Ancenis on July 6, and entered 
the town the next day almost without resistance. He 

185 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

was advancing along the bank of the Loire towards 
Nantes, when the Duke in despair, sent to beg for help 
from Edward IV, who had promised to send troops to 
his assistance. But Lescun, his chief minister, was 
always enough of a patriot to dread an alliance with 
England, and he was quite willing to listen to the 
renewed offers of Louis. After much discussion, during 
which extravagant offers of lands and money were 
made to Lescun personally, he used his influence with 
his master to such good purpose that a treaty was soon 
concluded with Brittany. Money was not spared with 
Duke Fran9ois, who besides receiving a large pension, 
had several strong places returned to him. 

A truce of five months was also agreed upon in 
November, 1472, with Charles of Burgundy, who now 
found himself deserted by his allies ; and this was 
renewed at frequent intervals until May, 1475, when 
after some desultory fighting, a lasting peace was made 
which endured for the rest of Charles' life. As he had 
found the French monarchy too strong for him, his 
ambition now turned towards the east and the south ; 
**he strove to gather together province after province 
... he would form a state which should hem in the 
hostile realm from the North Sea to the Mediterranean." 
In the year 1469, the Duke had already occupied 
Alsace, which had been pawned to him for 10,000 
florins by Sigismund Duke of Austria, and he took 
possession of Guelders and Zutphen in 1473. In 
August of that year, Nicholas of Calabria died suddenly 
of the plague at Nancy, as he was preparing to besiege 
Metz. Tempted by that irresistible lure of Marie of 
Burgundy, the young Prince had broken his troth with 
Anne of France, and his death released the Duke of 

186 



TREATY WITH BRITTANY 

Burgundy from promises which he never meant to keep, 
and gave him the chance of adding Lorraine to his 
dominions. Nicholas had been the last male heir of 
his grandmother, Isabelle of Lorraine, and the next in 
succession was Yolande his aunt, who yielded her 
rights to her son, Rene of Vaudemont, at this time 
twenty-two years of age. He took possession on the 
4th of August, and the Duke of Burgundy at once 
imprisoned both Yolande and her son. She appealed 
to Louis, who promptly sent an army to the borders of 
Lorraine, and procured their freedom. Disappointed 
in this attempt, the Duke turned more earnestly to his 
negotiations with the Emperor Frederick III. He had 
already offered the hand of his daughter to Maximilian, 
the Emperor's son, in return for being made King of 
the Romans, and a princely income for Marie, but he 
now asked much more. 

As Metz refused to surrender its keys or receive 
a large company within its walls, Charles met the 
Emperor at Treves, where they discussed terms for five 
weeks without coming to a conclusion. Frederick was 
willing to receive homage for Guelders, but Lorraine was 
to be restored to the young Duke Rene, as a hostage 
for whose safety a nephew of the Emperor's, then 
studying in Paris, was retained. Charles certainly 
expected to be crowned by the Emperor, for sceptre 
and regal robes and diadem were made ready, and 
the church of Treves was richly decorated and pro- 
vided with two thrones, one for Frederick and the 
other for the expectant king. As Freeman tells the 
story: '* We laugh when Charles has got everything 
ready for his coronation at Treves, and the Lord of the 
World suddenly decamps in the night, leaving the ex- 

187 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

pectant king of Burgundy or Lorraine, or whatever 
his kingdom was to be, to go back a mere duke as he 
came." With the memory of Peronne in his mind, 
Frederick, having his suspicions roused on the marriage 
question, sailed away quietly and swiftly down the 
Moselle, and was soon out of reach of pursuit. We 
may imagine how furious the imperious Duke was at 
thus being exposed to the ridicule of Europe. 

Louis had taken advantage of a time of peace to 
deal with various matters of state, of which we find a 
minute account in the many letters written by him at 
this period. On the death of his Chancellor, the 
distinguished jurisconsult Juvenal des Ursins, he ap- 
pointed as his successor Pierre Doriole, an excellent 
lawyer of great independence of character, who had 
formerly been in the service of Charles of France. He 
gives concessions to the chapters of Langres, of 
Notre-Dame de Selles, and others ; forbids that the 
men of Lyons should be taxed for lands outside their 
city, institutes several new fairs, gives remissions for 
the breaking of rules in the markets, and confirms all 
the gifts of his brother Charles. Louis gives repeated 
orders that the supposed poisoners of the Duke of 
Guienne should be publicly tried. We also have a 
curious mention of certain French wines, which the 
president of the Driesche calls clairot. (Would this be 
claret ?) 

We next find him dealing with several traitors, such 
as the Count of Armagnac, who had been condemned 
by the Parliament in 1470 and then forgiven by the 
King, until in 1472 he took the Sire de Beaujeu and 
others, prisoners by treachery at Lectourne. Here he 
was besieged by the royal troops and lost his life in 

188 



REBELLIOUS NOBLES 

the melee, when the town was given over to pillage 
and destruction on March 6, 1473. The Duke of 
Alen9on also could never keep out of any rebellion 
going, and was condemned to death by the Parliament 
in May, 1472, yet his royal godson forgave him again, 
and he was only kept in honourable imprisonment in 
the Louvre. On his death in 1475, Louis secured the 
succession of his estates to his son Rene, Count de la 
Perche. But of all traitors there was none so faithless 
as the Count of St. Pol, who betrayed both the King 
and the Duke of Burgundy, and was destined later to 
meet his just reward from them both. 

Even the King's uncle, Rene of Anjou, although he 
had not openly joined the enemies of France, had 
approved the dishonourable conduct of his grandson 
Nicholas, and was in constant communication with the 
Duke of Burgundy, having taken up his abode at Aix, 
to be somewhat nearer to him. Possibly his dreamy 
romantic character prevented his being a serious 
danger, but we can scarcely wonder that when he left 
Anjou to take the side of Charles, the King of France 
undertook the administration of that province, so 
perilously near Brittany. In spite of all his failings, 
our sympathies are with *'Rene le Bon" in his 
bereaved old age, overwhelmed by a fatality of deaths 
— his only son, the brave Jean ; his brother, the Count 
de Maine ; his grandsons, the Prince of Wales and 
young Nicholas, of whom, by the irony of fortune, Rene 
himself was now the heir. He bore through life the 
barren title of King of Sicily, and both the crowns of 
Naples and Aragon seemed at one time to be within 
his grasp. Yet no one could have been more unfitted 
to win kingdoms by force of arms, for his chief delight 

189 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

was ever in art and poetry, and in quiet pastoral 
repose. Perhaps his happiest moments were when he 
sang in the choir of his chapel, dressed as a canon, on 
a Gothic throne which he had carved and painted him- 
self. The gentle Rene is one of the most picturesque 
figures of his period, whether sitting at his desk in a 
sunny window painting birds, composing ballades 
and rondels, or the genial host of a gay, pleasure- 
loving Court. After the death of his beloved Isabelle, 
"la vaillante Lorraine, qui avait fait la guerre pour 
lui . . .," he had taken a second wife, the charming 
young Jeanne de Laval, when he had attained the age 
of forty-seven. 

It is worthy of notice that at the very time when 
Ren^ was playing at treason with Charles of Bur- 
gundy, Louis XI writes, on July i8, 1473, to the 
Chapter of Rheims, to insist that no opposition 
shall be made to his appointment of Pierre de 
Laval, Jeanne's brother, as Archbishop. He had 
always upheld the House of Anjou in their struggles 
for Naples and for Aragon, both in men and money ; he 
had given his uncle the collar of St. Michael, and had 
done his utmost to befriend the unhappy Marguerite, 
whom he was soon to ransom from an English prison. 

Amongst the most important events of the year 1473 
in the personal history of Louis, is the marriage of his 
two daughters. We have seen how, almost from her 
birth, Anne of France, born at Genappe in 1461, was 
betrothed to Nicholas of Calabria. There is a legend 
that she always had a romantic attachment for this 
young Prince, and wore his ring until her death. But 
this did not prevent her from making a reasonably 
happy marriage with Pierre de Bourbon, Lord of 

190 



MARRIAGE OF THE KING'S DAUGHTERS 

Beaujeu, who had been unexpectedly chosen by her 
father for this great honour. He had been more than 
once in rebellion, like so many other nobles, but Louis 
had a keen insight into character, and having once won 
over Bourbon to his cause, he felt that here was a man 
of royal blood, yet not too near the throne, whom he 
could trust to help and protect the Dauphin in days to 
come. The marriage contract was signed on Novem- 
ber 13, 1473, and the stipulations are always that all 
goods are to be returned to the Crown if there are no 
children of the marriage. The King gave 1,000,000 
ecus of dowry with Anne, to whom he was much 
attached, and who had already been made Viscountess 
of Thouars, and was later Countess of Gien. At the 
time of her marriage, Anne was not quite thirteen and 
the bridegroom was twenty-one years older, but she 
was a bright, capable girl, extremely well educated, 
and with plenty of common sense. Pierre de Bourbon 
was noted for his ''douceur et humilite," and so far as 
we can learn from "the fierce light which beats upon" 
royal personages, the husband and wife appear to 
have lived happily together. The praise of Anne, 
" I'Aisnee fille de France," has been written in a 
hundred verses, of which we select one : — 

Pour son entree de Moulins 

Trois triomphes y avoit seurement, 

Tous pleins de tris beaux musequins 

Et par^s trfes richement, 

Qui parloient honnestement, 

Et prioient Dieu de Paradis 

Qu'il leur donnast un tris beau filz. 

The little town of Jargeau welcomed the royal 
married pair with such lavish magnificence that they 

191 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

gave fetes which lasted eight days, and the King was 
so pleased with their loyalty that he bestowed upon the 
town '*un blason de gueules charge de trois bracelets 
d'or, avec le chef de France, d'azur, a trois fleurs de 
lys d'or." 

The story of Anne's younger sister is a very different 
one. Jeanne de France was born at Nogent-le-Roy on 
May 15, 1464, into a world where she was not warmly 
welcomed, for her coming was a disappointment when 
an heir to the throne was so anxiously looked for. Her 
fate was soon decided for, a few days after her birth, 
Jeanne was betrothed to Louis, the two-year-old son of 
Charles d'Orleans, the King's uncle, and before the 
death of the old worn-out Duke the following January, 
the treaty of marriage between the two children was 
actually signed. " Le mariage sera celebre lorsque les 
futurs seront en age competent." The King gives to 
his daughter 100,000 ecus of dowry, with the usual 
robes and jewels. The Duke guarantees to her "un 
douaire " of 6000 livres de rente, and for abode in case 
of widowhood, La Ferte-Milan and Brie. 

The two daughters had remained for a time with 
their mother, and when the kingdom was in revolt 
during the League of "le Bien Public," Louis confided 
the care of the Queen and the little Princesses to the 
people of Amboise, and sent twenty brigandines to 
protect them. When Jeanne was five years old, a 
chamberlain and cousin of the King's, Fran9ois de 
Bourbon, Seigneur de Linieres, was chosen as her 
*' gouverneur," and she was taken to live under the 
care of his wife in the chateau de Linieres, "au fond 
du Berry." For some reason which is not fully 
explained, the Queen, Charlotte of Savoy, went to live 

192 




JEANNE DE FRANCE, DAUGHTER OF LOUIS XI 
From an old print 



To face p. 192 



MARRIAGE OF THE KING'S DAUGHTERS 

in Dauphine at this time, but it seems strange that her 
delicate little daughter should not have remained with 
her. The new home of Jeanne was a grim old castle, 
a fortress with massive feudal walls and battlements, 
which was entered by crossing a double rampart. 
After the first bridge came a high tower, "la tour du 
Guet," then the drawbridge, the moat being filled with 
the waters of the Arnon, while under the towers were 
dungeons and oubliettes. This gloomy place of terror 
was far away from any town, being five leagues from 
Issoudun and ten from Bourges. (It was destroyed in 
1561 by the Huguenots.) 

What a strange solitude for a fragile little girl ! It 
is true that from the upper court of the chateau where 
Jeanne took her walks, she could see below the smiling 
valley of the Arnon, and look out from afar on the 
course of the winding river through fertile plains to 
the forests beyond. We hear of the little Princess as 
a silent, dreamy child, whose deformity poisoned her 
existence, for she was small and crooked, with one 
shoulder higher than the other, though with a pleas- 
ing, gentle face. She learnt to live alone, to look upon 
herself as set apart from earth, and began to turn her 
thoughts early towards heaven. At five years old she 
had as her confessor a certain Gilbert Nicolas, one of 
the Fr^res Mineurs of Amboise, who became much 
attached to her and remained faithful to her during all 
her troubled life. Can we wonder that in that strange 
brooding solitude, Jeanne began to hear voices and to 
see visions? Her guardian and his wife were kind to 
her, and usually remained in the country with her 
although they had an hotel at Bourges ; but they were 
not often in the town, where the plague raged from 
o 193 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

time to time. They received for her living, we are 
told, 1 200 francs a year. Once when the little girl was 
recovering from small-pox, Madame de Linieres wrote 
to ask the Queen if Jeanne might pay her a visit for 
change of air, and Charlotte wrote to the Sire de 
Bouchage to ask the King's permission. It is difficult 
to believe that she arrived dressed like a peasant, with 
a ''camelot grossier, dechire aux coudes et rapelasse 
. . ."as one writer says. 

The marriage contract was signed between Jeanne of 
France and Louis of Orleans on October 28, and ratified 
the next day by Marie of Cleves, the mother of Louis 
and widow of Charles, Duke of Orleans. We are 
told that the Duchess made all the opposition she dared 
to this marriage, for after the death of Nicholas of Ca- 
labria she had always hoped that Anne would be the 
bride of Louis her son, and not this ^'femme ainsi 
difforme ! " as she is said to have called the bride when 
she first saw her. Poor little Jeanne had no wish for 
marriage ; she only longed to devote herself to religion 
in the cloistered life, and when on September 6, 1476, 
the actual religious ceremony took place at the castle of 
Montrichard, her real martyrdom began. The Pope's 
permission was given, for the bride and bridegroom 
were cousins-german, but neither the King nor the 
Duchess of Orleans appear to have been present. The 
Bishop of Orleans was the celebrant, and the Queen 
was with her daughter who wore a robe of cloth of gold, 
(afterwards made into a chasuble). 

^ It is difficult to make out the exact truth with regard 
to the protests which Louis, now a boy of fourteen, is 
said to have made, as most of the chronicles were 
actually written during his reign, when he was so des- 

194 



TREATY OF PERPIGNAN 

perately eager to obtain a divorce and marry Anne of 
Brittany. But there seems no doubt that both the 
children were unhappy. Jeanne went back to Linieres 
after the wedding, and is reported to have said: **Je 
ne ouserais parler a luy, car vous et chascun veoit bien 
qu'il ne fait conte de moy." Madame of Orleans, as she 
now was, never complained, but patiently endured mis- 
fortune, loneliness, and contempt, until she was looked 
upon by all who knew her as a saint — " La bien- 
heureuse Jeanne." 

Always intensely interested in all that concerned the 
commercial prosperity of his kingdom, we find Louis 
signing a treaty on August 15, 1473, at Mont-Saint- 
Michel, with the deputies of the Hansa League. He 
confirmed all the privileges which the League held from 
the kings his predecessors, allowing the '^Osterling 
merchants " to trade freely by land and water in all the 
towns of France, and to have agents everywhere, giving 
the same freedom of exchange to his own subjects. 
This treaty appears to have been partly drawn up by 
the ambassadors of Scotland and Denmark, who were 
then with the King. On August 16, he himself Wrote 
to the " excellents et magnifiques orateurs et deputes 
de la hanse Teutonique presentement assembles a 
Utrecht" to inform them of the contract, and assure 
them of his good will. Louis suffered no political feel- 
ing to interfere with the welfare of his subjects, or he 
might have objected to the great friendship of the Hansa 
League with Edward IV, to whom they always gave 
the title of King of England and France. 

In the spring of this year, the men of Roussillon 
rose in rebellion against the French, and drove them 
out of the strong castles of Salces and Colliour.e ; but 

195 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

at Perpignan the garrison retreated to the citadel and 
held out there for ten weeks, notwithstanding the fierce 
attack of the old King of Aragon, who, in his turn, was 
besieged by a strong force under Philippe de Bresse. 
This turbulent Prince, who had given so much trouble 
in Savoy, was quite loyal to France now that he was 
in command and had plenty of fighting. Juan II, 
(who had recovered his sight by an operation for cata- 
ract performed by a Jewish physician), behaved with 
splendid courage and energy, until, weakened by pes- 
tilence, the French were compelled to make a truce for 
two months. During this time, Louis XI with his 
usual policy of diplomacy rather than war, persuaded 
the King of Aragon to agree to the Treaty of Perpignan, 
signed in September, 1473, which we may justly consider 
impracticable. It was arranged that Roussillon and 
Cerdagne should be in the joint possession of the kings 
of France and Aragon, and ruled by a governor chosen 
by them both, according to the laws, customs, and 
privileges of the country ; until King Juan should have 
repaid the 200,000 crowns for which these counties had 
been pledged. This amount the King of Aragon en- 
gaged to pay within a year, otherwise Louis might 
appoint another governor of his own choice. The two 
kings reserved to themselves the right to help their 
former allies, should they wish to do so. 

This treaty simply concerned the provinces of Rous- 
sillon and Cerdagne, and yet their fate, which appeared 
settled, was never less so in reality. 



196 



CHAPTER XII 

1474-5 

League against Burgundy joined by the Swiss Con- 
federation — Charles of Burgundy besieges Neuss 
—War in Roussillon, which is retaken by France — 
Sedition at Bourges — The Emperor, France, the 
Swiss, and the Duke of Lorraine combine against 
Charles, who raises the Siege of Neuss— Edward 
IV invades France— Peace of Pecquigny— Meet- 
ing OF Louis XI and Edward IV— Treaty with 
Burgundy— Execution for Treason of St. Pol, Con- 
stable OF France. 

We have now reached an extremely important and in- 
teresting historical question, about which there has been 
much misunderstanding. How was it that Charles of 
Burgundy first found himself at war with the Swiss? 
We must remember that the real extent and position of 
the Swiss Confederation of that day, was very different 
from the present Switzerland. It was then called ** the 
Great League of Upper Germany, or Swabia,"and had 
grown from the three original cantons, Uri, Schwytz, 
and Unterwalden, joined in 1332 by Luzern, and in the 
middle of the fourteenth century by Zurich, Glarus, Zug, 
and Bern. These eight German cities and districts 
were united by a kind of federal bond : they were really 
independent commonwealths, but formed part of the 
holy Roman Empire, and were nominally subjects of 

197 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

the Emperor. Instead of being, as we know them — a 
pastoral people of shepherds and mountaineers, ready 
to defend their combined cantons with heroic courage, 
but having neither the wish nor the power to invade 
their neighbours — in those days the League was an 
aggressive power, always extending its borders by 
conquest, purchase, and alliance. 

In 1469, Sigismund of Austria, a nephew of the Em- 
peror Frederick III, who had married Eleanor of Scot- 
land, the sister of Margaret la Dauphine, became 
involved in a quarrel with the Swiss League, through 
his vassals in Alsace. Being of a peaceful disposition, 
when his lands were ravaged he bought peace with the 
promise of 10,000 florins, and in order to obtain the 
money, he pawned Alsace to the Duke of Burgundy, 
whose ambition was gratified at extending his influence. 
Charles sent his viaitre-d' hotel, Pierre de Hagenbach, a 
man of fierce and violent temper, to take possession of 
this new land, which he soon drove to rebellion by his 
shameful abuse of his power. When complaints were 
made to the Duke of his excesses, Charles is said to 
have only replied: "It is enough that he suits me." 
The most serious matter was his insulting behaviour 
towards the Swiss, whose allies at Muhlhausen were 
attacked, their own territory invaded, their merchants 
going to Frankfort had been seized, and the men of 
Bern asserted that their messengers had been slain 
and their dispatches taken. The imperial towns of 
Strasburg, Schleestadt, and Colmar were threatened 
by Hagenbach, and the neighbouring barons of Swabia 
were furious at his insults. As for his personal con- 
duct, it appears to have been brutal and vile beyond all 
words. 

198 



LEAGUE AGAINST BURGUNDY 

After his disappointment at Treves, the Duke of 
Burgundy went through Lorraine with the air of a 
sovereign to his new dominion of Alsace, with only 
a force of about five thousand Lombard mercenaries. 
He was not well received although he tried to conciliate 
his new subjects ; but Hagenbach was always with him, 
even at Ensisheim, where an embassy from Bern had 
come to complain of the Governor. The Duke was 
looked upon with great suspicion by the Swiss League, 
as his negotiations at Treves with the Emperor had 
convinced them that their territory, as well as Savoy and 
Milan, was to be included in the proposed Kingdom of 
Burgundy. The Council of Bern had warned Louis XI 
of this, and it was possibly at this time that he conceived 
the idea of including the League in a combination 
against Charles. 

The unconquerable tenacity of the Swiss was known 
to him of old, for he could never forget that early 
expedition when he, a youth of twenty-one, was sent 
by his father to lead the mighty host of " ecorcheurs " 
to the confines of Alsace and the Cantons, there to hurl 
themselves again and again upon a human barrier 
dauntless and ever renewed, until they came to a 
miserable end. Was not Duke Charles, in his rash- 
ness and arrogance, about to follow in the same path 
of destruction ? 

Sigismund of Austria, who could not see unmoved 
the misery of his late dominion of Alsace, offered his 
alliance to Louis, who accepted it only on condition 
that the Duke's ancestral enemies — the Swiss Cantons 
— should be included. Even this proved possible, and 
before long the Duke of Austria had joined in a 
league with the free cities of Alsace, the Margrave 

199 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

of Baden, Basel, and Strasburg, and the eight Can- 
tons of which Bern, Luzern, and Zurich were the most 
determined foes of Burgundy. Charles in vain re- 
monstrated with them, for the next move in the game 
was that Sigismund received from his allies the 
10,000 florins for which his dominions were pledged, 
and offered the amount to redeem them. But the 
Duke of Burgundy refused; " ce que je tiens, je 
garde," was his reply. Some of the towns in Alsace 
had already rebelled and driven out their Burgun- 
dian garrisons, and there was a violent sedition at 
Breisach, where the people took the law into their 
own hands and made the hated Hagenbach a prisoner. 
They summoned twenty-seven notable men as de- 
puties from all the towns and nobles of the province, 
who after a brief form of trial condemned to death 
Pierre de Hagenbach for his crimes, public and private. 
He was beheaded on May 9, 1474, but it was an act 
of public vengeance rather than a legal execution, as 
his judges had no right of jurisdiction over him. 
Charles of Burgundy was furious when the news 
reached him, and he at once sent Etienne Hagenbach 
to devastate the whole country in revenge for his 
brother's fate. 

The Duke was at this time engaged in a dispute 
about the archbishopric of Cologne, with regard to 
which his policy appears to have been very much 
the same as with the see of Liege formerly. If he 
could not annex the temporal possessions, at least 
he wished the Archbishop to be his creature. There 
was the whole Chapter and a very strong outside 
party against Robert of Bavaria, whom they had 
expelled, but Charles supported him by force of arms. 



SIEGE OF NEUSS 

The Landgrave of Hesse and his brother Hermann, 
who had been chosen as administrator of the diocese, 
were besieged by the Duke in the strong fortress 
of Neuss, north of Cologne. Once a Roman mili- 
tary station, and now one of the Hansa towns, Neuss 
stood on a solitary height above the marshy plain, 
from whence the Rhine had receded for a mile or 
two, but was still available for traffic by means of 
a deep canal which received also the waters of the 
Erft. The place was well fortified with a double line 
of high walls, massive towers, bastions, and gates ; 
while on the east side, the canal and swampy ground 
were most effective in defence. The traditions of 
the town proudly boasted of thirteen sieges trium- 
phantly resisted: there was ample store of provisions, 
a garrison of three thousand Hessian men-at-arms and 
five hundred cavalry, besides the volunteers who came 
pouring in from Cologne and other cities. 

This was the stronghold before which Charles of 
Burgundy encamped on July 30, 1474. He had a 
splendid army, with companies of ordonnance formed 
on the French model, the finest artillery of the day, a 
large body of Lombard mercenaries under the Count 
of Campo Basso, and about three thousand English 
archers. We have a very full account of the difficult 
investment and bombardment which followed, the 
varied fortunes of assaults and sorties, and the splendid 
gallantry with which during nearly eleven long months 
the beleaguered fortress was defended against the 
might of Burgundy. 

Meantime Louis was not idle. As soon as the siege 
began, he sent envoys to the League of Upper Germany 
with orders to specially address the city of Bern, 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

where Nicolas von Diessbach was already bought 
over into his service. The extent to which the 
diplomacy of the French King caused the Cantons to 
take up arms against Charles of Burgundy, has always 
been a disputed point in history. Freeman inclines 
to the idea that it was one cause amongst several, and 
that the *'Switenses" '* might have acted as they did 
though Louis had never been born." They mistrusted 
the aggressive designs of Charles, the would-be King ; 
they were indignant at the treatment of their new 
allies of Alsace ; and when it was quite convenient to 
them, they prided themselves on obeying the summons 
of their Emperor. But they were also poor and quite 
willing to accept French gold, which was lavishly 
offered to them. We cannot enter into the question 
of the morality of bribes at a period when, with only 
the rarest exceptions, everybody accepted them. A 
treaty was ratified at Luzern in October, 1474, which, 
as Legeay remarks, has been the basis of all the 
treaties since made by France with the Swiss. It 
engages that the King will every year give 20,000 
florins to the city of Bern, and that the League shall 
supply him with six thousand men in his wars and 
expeditions, at his request, and that he shall pay them 
at the rate of four and a half florins a month each. 

A Diet had been held at Felsburg on October g, 
when the deputies of the allied towns, the French 
envoys, and Sigismund in person, met an im- 
perial embassy which brought a summons from 
Frederick III, calling upon the confederates, as 
members of the Empire, to defend it against the 
aggression of the Duke of Burgundy. The result of 
all this was that a message was enclosed in a herald's 



SIEGE OF NEUSS 

staff and sent to Charles of Burgundy in his camp 
before Neuss. It ran thus : " That by command of the 
Emperor, and in defence of Alsace, the burgo- 
masters . . . and commons of the League of Upper 
Germany declared war, whether in attack or defence, 
in the day or night, by slaying, burning, and plunder- 
ing. ..." When Charles saw the seal, he exclaimed 
in bitter rage, " Bern, Bern I" 

While the siege of Neuss engaged all the energies of 
Burgundy, war had broken out again in Roussillon, for 
it was not to be expected that the joint occupation would 
be successful. The old King of Aragon carried on the 
struggle with the utmost vigour, notwithstanding his 
age and poverty, which was so great that he had to 
pawn his fur-lined mantle in order to pay his muleteers. 
He could obtain little help from his son, for civil war 
had broken out in Castile after the death of Enrique IV at 
the end of 1474. Louis wrote several letters at this time 
to Ferdinand, and in one of them, after expressing his 
sorrow at the death of the King of Castile, he adds: 
'' But since it has pleased God to take him . . . we are 
consoled and very joyful that his succession has fallen 
to a prince so praiseworthy and virtuous as you are. 
..." Such were royal amenities, even to the son of a 
hostile king. Louis sends the most urgent directions to 
his captains in Roussillon to spare no efforts in bring- 
ing the campaign to a successful end ; and on Decem- 
ber 5, after an obstinate resistance, Elne was taken, and 
soon after one or two smaller places, which left the road 
clear to Perpignan, whose conquest was absolutely ne- 
cessary for the submission of the province. Juan II 
was unable to do more than hover about with his small 
army on the frontiers of Roussillon, and watch from 

203 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

afar the slow progress of the siege, without being able 
to strike a blow for his beleaguered capital. The men 
of Perpignan fought with heroism worthy of their brave 
ancestors, and it was not until they were reduced to 
absolute starvation that at length on March 14, 1475, 
they consented to an honourable capitulation. 

After this, a truce of six months was concluded with 
the King of Aragon, which left France in possession 
of Roussillon and Cerdagne. There appear unfortu- 
nately to have been disturbances in Perpignan after 
the surrender, and Louis writes to the Seigneur de 
Bouchage and urges very severe treatment of those 
suspected of treachery. A list was made of about 
two hundred names, in which we find, "perayriers, 
sabattiers, marchans, tixerans, bourgeois, notaires 
. . ." with notes in the margin, "bad, very bad," 
and often what they were guilty of. Word is to be 
left for future governors that, if traitors return, ''d'icy 
a vingt ans, qu'ils leur facent trancher les testes." 
This command brings out very strongly one point 
in the character of Louis : the cold, stern cruelty 
with which he can give a command like this, which 
he probably thought needful for the security of Per- 
pignan. We shall see the same feeling in his treat- 
ment of a sedition at Bourges, when a tax was 
levied upon the inhabitants at this time, for the 
repair of their fortifications and other municipal ex- 
penses. The King believed that it had a political 
meaning, as several old adherents of the Duke of 
Guienne had been found in the city. A commission 
was sent to try the rebels and a company of archers 
to see that the sentences were carried out. The dis- 
turbances had broken out on Saturday, April 23, 

204 



SIEGE OF NEUSS 

1474, amongst certain " folons, vignerons boulangers, 
et autres gens de mestier," and they had beaten and 
mutilated the procureur of the King, the ''honour- 
able and wise maistre Philipes Bouer," and they had 
also murdered maistre Francoys Lesguillier, who was 
with the said procureur that day. . , . The King 
desires that the offenders shall be so severely punished 
that others may take example from it, and that none 
may be spared. He writes several letters, and sends 
the barbarous order that the bodies of those who are 
executed shall be hung at their own doors for the space 
of a day. . . . " Si le faites ainsi." 

With cold-blooded calm severity, he orders later that 
the guilty shall be seized anywhere, even if they be 
canons or members of the university ; and we can 
understand how this inexorable temper, which had 
no respect of persons, made Louis XI hated in a way 
that the greatest atrocities committed in the hour of 
passion and excitement, such as Charles was guilty 
of at Dinant, could never have done. As a matter 
of fact, we are told that many of the rebels at Bourges 
were ultimately forgiven. 

Month after month had passed away, and spring had 
succeeded to winter, yet still the gallant defenders of 
Neuss held out against the repeated attacks of the 
enemy. But at length the host of the Empire had 
been roused, and fifteen princes, sixty-five counts, and 
four thousand nobles of less degree had gathered to- 
gether their forces near Cologne, amounting to at 
least forty thousand men. No such assembly of the 
feudal vassals of the Emperor had been seen for two 
hundred years, and amongst the most ardent warriors 
were the Archbishops of Treves and Mayence and the 

205 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Bishop of Munster. A small party of the militia of 
the free towns had gone forward to give the besieged 
the good news of their coming, by means of a hollow 
ball thrown across the river, with the message : 
" Neuss, be of good comfort; thou art saved." This 
was about the middle of May, when Charles had just 
received a message through Earl Rivers that the King 
of England was prepared to invade France, and 
awaited his assistance. On the slow approach of the 
Emperor's army, Charles at once resolved to risk the 
fortune of battle rather than retire ignominiously 
before the foe. With some twelve thousand men he 
made a sudden attack upon the new-comers before 
they had time to prepare, and with the war cry of 
"Our Lady, St. George, and Burgundy!" he forced 
the camp, which was thrown into disorder. Hundreds 
of the cavalry were cut off and fled towards Cologne, 
while a great number of men-at-arms were driven into 
the deep water before the night fell. The next morn- 
ing the Pope's Legate had arrived to make peace 
between the Emperor and the Duke, who was quite 
willing to listen to him, as his only desire was now to 
join the King of England as soon as possible. A 
truce was concluded for three days, and we are told 
that for some hours the gates of Neuss were thrown 
open, and the besiegers were allowed to enter as 
peaceful guests and see the city which had so long 
defied them. The most extraordinary part of the 
story is that the Burgundians behaved extremely well ; 
they satisfied their curiosity, went to Mass in the 
church of St. Quirinus, and then quietly returned to 
their camp without any act of violence. 

Frederick III was proud of his position as another 

206 



EDWARD IV INVADES FRANCE 

Barbarossa, and in no hurry to submit to terms of peace 
before having accomplished anything with the vast 
forces which had taken so long to collect. His vassals 
were indignant at the idea of disbanding without having 
chastised the insolence of Burgundy, and the ambassa- 
dors of Louis who were then with him, urged that he 
should not make peace till he had declared all the lord- 
ships of Burgundy in the Empire to be forfeited. So 
Commines says, and he proceeds to relate how the 
Emperor, "who was never accounted valiant . . . but 
being old, had seen much," made answer to this sugges- 
tion, by reciting the old fable of the hunters who sold 
the bear skin before killing their bear. 

By the middle of June peace was at length made, as 
both parties were induced to lay down their arms, and 
the Legate was to decide the original question concern- 
ing the archbishopric of Cologne. But before the two 
armies parted, there was a good deal of desultory 
fighting between the undisciplined troops and much 
loss of life. It was on June 27 that Charles broke up 
his camp, and on his way to meet the King of England, 
he found time to convene the Three Estates at Bruges, 
and to give them a good rating for not having supplied 
him with more money, and for having suffered the 
French King to ravage the country and take fortresses 
and towns in Artois and Picardy. They appear to have 
coldly replied that "war was incompatible with their 
commerce," and that "they were not bound to defend 
any province but their own." The Duke parted from 
his Flemish people in anger, and they were never to 
meet again. Perhaps the time wasted before Neuss 
rankled in the mind of Charles and increased his ill- 
temper. On May i, the day when the truce with Bur- 

207 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

gundy was at an end, Louis crossed the Somme with a 
great army and powerful artillery. Nothing could re- 
sist him ; and the strong places of Tronquoy, Mont- 
didier, Roye, Corbie, and others were either taken by 
assault or surrendered at discretion. These were burnt 
and their fortifications destroyed, but a great number 
of the inhabitants were suffered to escape to Amiens, 
where we find them later permitted to carry on their 
trades. Had Louis continued his victorious invasion, 
nothing could have stood before him ; but he was 
persuaded by the treacherous advice of St. Pol, to divide 
his army and move with a portion of it to defend the 
coast of Normandy in case of an English invasion. 

When the ambassadors of Edward IV were sent to 
the Court of Burgundy to discuss plans of operation, 
we are told that Charles proudly pointed out to them 
his splendid artillery, and exclaimed: "Here are the 
keys of the cities of France." Upon this Le Glorieux, 
his fool, pretended to search for something on the 
ground, and his master, always willing to humour 
him, asked, ''What are you looking for?" ** I seek 
the keys of Beauvais," was the reply. As we are aware, 
the keys of Neuss were also missing. Knowing the 
strong determined character of Margaret of York, 
Duchess of Burgundy, we cannot doubt that her 
influence both on her husband and her brother, the 
King of England, had much to do with their close 
alliance against France. She travelled to Calais 
alone, and was the first to welcome Edward on French 
soil. 

Some interesting letters of Louis XI will carry on 
the story from his point of view. "June 30, 1475. 
Croisy-sur-Andelle. Monseigneur le grant maistre ; 

208 



TREACHERY OF COUNT ST. POL 

I came to Normandy, in great haste, as you know, 
thinking to find the EngHsh ready to descend. But 
I found that the fleet had retired the day before I 
arrived. . . . When I saw we were doing nothing 
... I sent my people to overrun Picardy in order to 
destroy the country where they would obtain pro- 
visions. . . . And they went as far as the sea, and 
have burnt all, from the Somme to Hesdin, and from 
there they came, ' tousjours faisans leur mestier ' to 
Arras ! " Then he tells the story of the disastrous 
sortie from that town when Jacques, the brother of the 
Count of St. Pol, was taken prisoner, and 1500 men 
of the garrison were killed. " At Calais there are four 
or five thousand English, but they do not move, and 
not one of them has come to show himself to our 
people. I shall remain here until I know whether the 
English are going to land in Normandy or not, and I 
have the men-at-arms of Normandy with me, and I am 
fortifying Dieppe and filling it with provisions. ..." 
"July 15. Monseigneur le chancelier, je ne vous 
sauroie que escripre des Anglois, car ilz n'ont fait 
jusques icy que danser k Saint Omer; et ne s9avons 
point au vray que le roy d'Angleterre soit descendu ; 
et s'il est descendu c'est a si petite compaignie qu'il 
n'en est point de bruit, ne les prisonniers qui furent 
prins hier a Abbeville n'en scevent riens et ne le 
croyent point. . . ." (I do not know what to write to 
you about the English, for they have done nothing yet 
but dance at St. Omer ; and we do not know for 
certain if the King of England has landed, and if he 
has landed it is with such a small company that there 
is no rumour, nor do the prisoners who were taken 
yesterday at Abbeville know anything about it, and 
p 209 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

they do not believe it. . . .) It is extraordinary how 
difficult it was to get news in those days, for in point 
of fact the King of England had landed at Calais a 
fortnight before. 

The proposal of Edward IV to make war on France 
had been well received in England, and generous 
supplies were voted by the Parliament and the clergy, 
while large sums were also obtained from rich people 
by the simple plan of benevolences; nominally free 
gifts, but in truth a most oppressive tax. A magni- 
ficent army was prepared, and before embarking, 
Edward sent Garter king-at-arms, to summon Louis 
to give up the kingdom which was his rightful in- 
heritance. The French King received the herald most 
courteously, and pointing out that peace would really 
be much better than war, he gave the messenger three 
hundred gold pieces and thirty yards of rich crimson 
velvet, which Commines specially mentions, and adds 
that the herald expressed the same desire for peace, 
and promised his services. When once the English 
army had reached Dover, it took a long time to cross 
the Channel in the five hundred Dutch boats, flat and 
low, suitable for the embarkation of horses, which the 
Duke of Burgundy had sent, besides the King's own 
fleet. Charles had tried to persuade him to land at 
the mouth of the Seine, where he might help on one 
side, while Brittany gave assistance on the other. But 
Edward felt safer in landing where he was certain of 
no opposition, in his own city of Calais, where he him- 
self arrived on July 3, 1475. He waited there nine days 
in company with his sister Margaret before Charles 
at length made his appearance with only a small 
escort, not the great army which the English had 



TREACHERY OF COUNT ST. POL 

been led to expect. He suggested that he himself 
should invade France by way of Lorraine, when he 
would proceed to Rheims in order to meet Edward 
there for his coronation. After assuring the King of 
England that the Count of St. Pol, who had seized 
St. Quentin, would give it up to them, and travelling 
some miles on the way, Charles abruptly departed. 
This was disconcerting, but worse was to follow, for 
when the English confidently approached the strong- 
hold of St. Quentin, they were fired upon from the 
walls. 

The Constable of France was playing a very danger- 
ous game, for he had managed to injure and insult 
the three princes whom he had led into his toils. He 
had taken St. Quentin from Louis by treachery ; he 
had three times promised to yield it to the Duke of 
Burgundy, and each time had at the last moment 
refused to admit his troops; and now he had defied the 
English. We cannot unravel his tangled policy, which 
was soon to meet with the fate which it had deserved. 
That summer was unusually wet and stormy, and in 
this strange country, laid waste so that there should 
be no supplies, the English began to murmur at the 
treachery they had met with and the hardships which 
they endured. It was this propitious moment which the 
King of France chose to open negotiations with 
Edward who, grown stout and lu>xurious, was already 
sick of the campaign. Commines tells the story with 
much detail, for he was called upon to ''disguise one 
of his menial servants with a herald's coat ... as 
the King was not so vain as to have either herald or 
trumpeter in his train." The banner of a trumpeter 
was made into a herald's tabard, and the King's 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

messenger was sent to the English camp and brought 
into the presence of Edward. He said, according to 
his instructions, that the King of France had always 
desired to have peace between the two realms, and that 
the Duke of Burgundy, who had invited him over, had 
only done so to gratify his own selfish ambition. The 
herald added that his master knew what great expense 
this expedition had been, and would propose such 
terms as would satisfy both the English King and his 
people. He asked therefore that a safe conduct should 
be sent for the ambassadors of the King of France that 
the subject might be discussed. These advances were 
favourably received ; the herald was presented with 
four nobles, and it was arranged that, with proper safe- 
conducts, the commissioners of both kingdoms should 
meet at a little village near Amiens. On the side of 
the Kin^ of France there were the Bastard of Bour- 
bon Admiral of France, the Bishop of Evreux, the 
Chancellor Doriole, and others ; while on the side of 
England there were the Lord Howard, Thomas St. 
Leger, William Dudley, and John Morton, Lord 
Chancellor and Archbishop of Canterbury. 

The terms finally agreed upon were that the French 
should pay 75,000 crowns for the expenses of the war, 
and a yearly pension of 50,000 crowns, in two instal- 
ments, such payment to continue only during the life 
of either Prince. There is to be a truce of seven years, 
ending at sunset on August 29, 1482, and the kings of 
France and England undertake to assist each other 
against enemies or rebellious subjects. The Dauphin 
Charles is to marry the Princess Elizabeth, daughter 
of Edward IV, as soon as they are both of marriageable 
age, the French King engaging to settle on the 



TREACHERY OF COUNT ST. POL 

Dauphine an income of 60,000 crowns. Louis also 
made a special point of the release of Marguerite of 
Anjou, and agreed to pay for her a ransom of 50,000 
crowns. These terms were accepted by Edward IV 
and his council, many of whom had been largely 
bribed by Louis, who was willing to part with his 
money freely, but would not yield any territory. If 
he could only have peace, he was convinced that the 
prosperity and activity of his commerce would more 
than pay back the money. Even before the treaty was 
signed, he made arrangements about borrowing the 
large sum required, and ''he was able to do this the 
more easily, as he had always repaid his creditors with 
an honesty then most rare amongst princes." This 
is part of the letter he wrote to the Chancellor on 
August 23, 1475 :— 

'' Monseigneur le chancelier, I send you a copy of 
the letters which Monseigneur de St. Pierre has 
written to me, by which you will see the good news 
which has come to me, for which I praise God and 
our Lady and Monseigneur St. Martin. And it is 
necessary that we have all our sum at Amiens before 
Wednesday evening, and still something more to give 
to private persons like Monseigneur de Havart and 
others. . . . And for that I pray you, Monseigneur 
le chancelier, above all as you love my good, my 
honour, and that of the kingdom," *'faites diligence 
et ne faillez pas a ce besoing, car si faulte y avoit, 
vous me feriez ung dommaige irreparable ..." 
"let there be no fault, that they may have no cause 
to make any rupture in that which has been ap- 
pointed. ..." After all was settled, we find Lpuis 
writing to various cities to announce what he has 

213 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

done and to ask for subsidies : Harfleur, 400 1. 1. ; 
Poitiers, 2000 1. t. ; Lyons, 3000 1. t. ; Orleans, 
Bourges, Issoudun, etc. 

It was arranged that the two kings were to meet at 
Pecquigny on the Somme, about three leagues from 
Amiens. A bridge was thrown across the river with a 
wooden grating, "rather like a lion's cage," in the 
middle through which they shook hands. Louis re- 
marked that there was no one in the world he had so 
much desired to see. Commines, who was very proud 
of being in the King's company, that day describes 
Edward as *' un tres beau prince et grand, mais il 
commen9oit a s'engresser. . . ." (A very handsome 
big prince, but he was beginning to grow fat. . . .) 
"They both sw.ore to the treaty, with one hand on a 
missal and the other on a crucifix, and after this they 
had sopie pleasant talk." The English army was 
entertafned with sumptuous and somewhat dangerous 
hospitality at Amiens, before returning to Calais and 
embarking once more for England after a bloodless 
campaign. 

Charles of Burgundy was furious when he heard of 
the proposed truce, and did his utmost to oppose it, but 
in vain. As for the Constable de St. Pol, he so far 
forgot himself as to write to Edward that he was 
"a cowardly, dishonoured, and paltry king," and this 
insult provoked the King of England to betray the 
Count's long course of treason to Louis. In fact, 
St. Pol had betrayed all his allies in turn, and when 
they combined against him, his case was hopeless. 
The Duke of Burgundy, to whose protection he fled, 
betrayed him into the hands of the King of France 
for the price of a free hand in Lorraine, and the just 

214 



TREACHERY OF COLfNT St. POL 

sentence of death was passed upon the Constable of 
France, a man of the highest rank in the kingdom and 
akin to most of the sovereigns in Europe. ''Duquel 
dictum et sentence il se trouva fort perpleux, car il ne 
cuidoit pas que le Roy ni sa justice le deussent faire 
mourir." Thus perished on December 19, 1475, one 
who had sinned beyond all forgiveness, and the people 
of Paris rejoiced in the death of the great noble 
whom they held responsible for many wars, and saw 
with satisfaction that justice was meted out to the 
highest in the land as well as the lowest. The wife of 
St. Pol, Marie of Savoy, the Queen's sister, had died 
a short time before, and was spared this last sorrow. 

Only the very strongest necessity could have driven 
to this severity Louis, who was usually so ready to for- 
give his enemies. Of this clemency he gave an example 
a few days later by setting free from the castle of the 
Louvre, Jean Duke of Alen9on, who had so many 
times rebelled against him. 



215 



CHAPTER XIII 

1475-7 

Treaty of Soleure between France and Burgundy 
— Charles of Burgundy invades the Swiss Terri- 
tory— Granson SURRENDERS— Defeat of Charles — 
Battle of Morat, another Victory for the Swiss 

— YOLANDE OF SAVOY AND HER FAMILY SEIZED BY COM- 
MAND of Charles— Louis XI rescues his Sister- 
Siege OF Nancy — Defeat and Death of Charles 
Duke of Burgundy— Policy of Louis XI— Occupa- 
tion OF Duchy of Burgundy. 

On September 13, 1475, the Treaty of Soleure was 
signed between Louis XI and Charles of Burgundy, 
by which all hostilities were to cease for nine years, 
and France gave up the alliance of the Emperor 
Frederick, of Sigismund of Austria, and of Cologne, 
amongst many other conditions concerning various 
towns and matters of commerce. This left the Duke 
at liberty to carry out his latest design of annexing 
Lorraine, and he made a triumphant entrance into 
Nancy, which he declared he would choose as the 
capital of his great kingdom and his place of abode. 
During the time when he was engaged before Neuss 
and in Picardy, the Swiss had given him much 
provocation, and his mind was now set upon revenge. 
The Confederates had invaded Franche-Comte and 
sacked Pontarlier, they had taken places belonging to 

216 



TREATY OF SOLEURE 

the Prince of Orange in the Jura, and they had sacked 
and destroyed with the greatest cruelty the towns of 
Morat and Estavayer. The Count de Romont, Lord 
of the Pays de Vaud, was urgent in his appeal for 
help against his enemies, refusing to accept any com- 
pensation from them, and Charles was only too eager 
for the fray. He would listen to no advice; as Com- 
mines tells us, Louis tried to persuade him to wait 
awhile: 'Me sollicitoit fort qu'il laissast en paix ces 
pauvres gens de Suisse, et qu'il reposast son armee. 
... A riens ne voulut ledit due entendre ; et ja le 
conduisoit son malheur " (begged him very much that 
he would leave the poor Swiss in peace, and that he 
would rest his army. . . . The said Duke would 
listen to nothing, and thus he was led to his mis- 
fortune). Other writers also assure us that the King 
did all he could to dissuade Charles from this war, and 
offered to mediate. He declared that the Swiss were 
the stoutest fighters in Christendom ; had he not found 
it so at St. Jacques? By the advice of Louis, the 
Swiss sent deputies to the Duke offering to make any 
amends in their power and to buy peace at any price, 
although they were so poor that " the bits of his horses 
contained more gold than could be found in their 
mountains." 

The Duke of Burgundy left Nancy on January ii, 
1476, and on the 23rd arrived at Besan9on, where he 
ratified his treaty with the Emperor, and also gave a 
definite promise that his daughter Marie, who was now 
nineteen, should become the wife of Maximilian. Con- 
tinuing his journey, he crossed the Jura early in Feb- 
ruary, in bad weather, and during four days remained 
at the summit of the pass while his great army, the 

217 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

strong artillery and numerous wagons containing 
sumptuous treasures, slowly crept over the snowy 
ridge. On the 12th, he reached Orbe and took up his 
abode in the castle. On hearing of his coming, the 
men of Bern sent urgent messages in every direction 
to summon their neighbours and allies to their help, 
but at first there was but little response, until a few 
days later the news arrived that Granson was besieged. 
The five hundred men in the garrison all belonged to 
the Canton and most of them to the town itself, and 
now indeed the frantic appeal, ending with ''Quick! 
Quick ! Come ! Come ! " met with such a gallant arm- 
ing and hurrying forth, that it was plain the spirit of 
the people was roused at last. 

Granson lies close to the lake of Neuchatel, at the 
foot of the gently sloping base of the mountains, path- 
less, wooded, and with deep ravines. The town was 
taken by assault on the 21st, but the garrison retreated 
into the castle, which was strongly fortified, although 
there had not been time to provision it. The fire of 
the besiegers was incessant and destructive ; soon the 
defences of the gates were shot away ; the main tower 
and the bulwarks were in ruins, while most terrible to 
them of all, the unfortunate besieged saw four vessels, 
coming to rescue them by water, driven back by the 
fire of the enemy. All hope was now at an end for 
them, and the garrison surrendered under a promise 
that their lives would be spared, but, apparently in a 
fit of fury, Charles gave orders that they should all be 
hung at once, on that fatal Ash Wednesday. 

For this cruel massacre swift retribution was at hand. 
Two days later the men of Bern and their allies 
reached the northern shores of the lake in great force, 

218 



BATTLE OF GRANSON 

consisting of picked men from the various Cantons full 
of a fierce desire for vengeance, with " Granson !" as 
their battle-cry. As they came over the ridge above 
Vaumarcus, they were surprised to find apparently the 
whole Burgundian army spread out before them and 
advancing towards the pass. Had Charles expected a 
direct attack from his foes he would probably have 
remained in his fortified camp, but he believed they 
would only obstruct his way to Neuchatel. His plan 
now was to draw the Swiss down into the plain, where 
he might surround and overwhelm them with his 
cavalry. This backward movement, which occurred 
after some vigorous fighting, was mistaken by the Con- 
federates for a retreat, and as they advanced in pursuit, 
it so chanced that a great body of their allies suddenly 
emerged from the gorge with the sun shining full on 
their banners and glittering lances. Seeing the melee 
below, they raised a mighty shout and rushed forward, 
whereupon the army of Burgundy in sudden panic, 
thought the day was lost, and in a few minutes the 
greater part was in full flight. In vain Charles and 
his nobles dashed into the retiring squadrons and 
strove to arrest them ; all that could now be done was 
to cover the retreat and by successive charges save his 
host from destruction, and not until the camp was 
entirely deserted was he at length drawn away by some 
faithful companions, almost by force, when his life was 
in deadly peril. 

There was no very great loss of life, as the army of 
Burgundy was saved by its rapid flight ; but never 
was anything seen like the marvellous spoil left behind 
in the camp. Besides the artillery, the stores, the 
tents, the richly-painted banners, there were all the 

219 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

costly treasures which the dukes of Burgundy had 
accumulated ; gorgeous tapestries, hundredweights of 
gold and silver plate, the sword of state whose hilt 
was studded with precious stones, three of the greatest 
historical diamonds in the world, a profusion of other 
precious stones, robes of silk, satin, and cloth of 
gold, an immense amount of silver coins, and more 
riches than we can even enumerate. Duke Charles 
had doubtless looked forward to dazzling the courts of 
Italy with his magnificence, which now fell into the 
hands of the Cantons and is carefully recorded in 
their archives. But the greatest loss of all to Charles 
was the "fame of his arms and the terror of his 
name." 

During this time, Louis was at Lyons in order to 
have the earliest intelligence from the seat of war. It 
was a most critical time for him as Commines 
says : '* The Duke of Milan was the ally of Charles of 
Burgundy ; he disposed of the House of Savoy as if it 
were his own ; the King Rene of Sicily wished to place 
the land of Provence in his hands. ... At this time 
there came to the King the captain of the Italian mer- 
cenaries, one Campo Basso, who offered to poison his 
master the Duke Charles, or deliver him into the hands 
of the King. ..." Louis would not listen to this 
treachery, but at once sent word of it to the Duke who 
refused to believe it. " Parquoy vous voyez que Dieu 
lui troubla le sens en cet endroit." ''Quos Deus vult 
perdere prius dementat " is the constant refrain of this 
shrewd observer, who, although a faithful servant of 
Louis, always speaks with affection of his first patron. 
After the defeat of Charles at Granson, most of his 
allies forsook him and tried to make their peace with 



BATTLE OF GRANSON 

the King of France. Rene of Anjou came to meet 
him at Lyons and was most kindly received ; a treaty 
was signed between them by which Louis restored 
to him the revenues of Anjou ; after Charles of 
Maine, Rene of Vaudemont was to be his successor, 
but Provence was to return to the Crown failing direct 
heirs. The King's uncle had every reason to be grate- 
ful to him, as it was to his generosity that he owed the 
ransom of his daughter Marguerite, who had been 
restored to her father a few months before and had 
taken up her abode with him in the beautiful castle of 
Reculee, near Angers. With his passionate love of 
art and literature, Rene would find much to interest 
him in the splendid churches of the city, which Louis 
had filled with rare treasures, with the rich brocades 
and tapestries made by his command; and above all in 
the new printing press founded by the King's liberality 
in 1473, with its wonderful productions. The 
Legende Doree, in folio, with the Lives of the Saints, 
was at that very time being brought out. When 
the old Prince departed, he was laden with rich pre- 
sents, jewels, rare manuscripts, and other treasures to 
add to his fine collection. 

Charles of Burgundy had fallen ill with grief and 
disappointment, but he had set his heart upon revenge, 
and nothing would turn him from his purpose. With 
infinite labour and expense, he had raised before the 
end of May a more powerful army than that which 
took to flight at Granson, and full of reckless confi- 
dence he advanced from Lausanne against his arch- 
enemy Bern by way of Morat. All Europe was pre- 
pared to watch with breathless interest the great drama 
on the point of beginning, and on which so much 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

depended. The Emperor was full of hope, the King 
of Hungary of fear, whatever might chance. Edward 
IV had sent his brother-in-law Rivers to be on the 
spot ; Yolande of Savoy, at Gex, had constant prayers 
and processions ; while the Duke of Milan kept relays 
of couriers from his palace to the Burgundian camp ; 
and Louis XI, the most interested of all, awaited the 
event at Lyons. 

The town of Morat is situated upon the eastern bank 
of the lake of that name, about two leagues to the 
south-east of the lake of Neuchatel, at a point where 
four roads converge, two skirting the marshy banks of 
the lake, and the others leading across the densely- 
wooded hills to the bed of the Saane, in different direc- 
tions. Morat was besieged on June 8, and three days 
later an attempt to take it by assault was repelled with 
great loss. Moreover the town, still accessible from 
the lake, was constantly receiving fresh munitions and 
reinforcements, and the garrison fought with splendid 
courage and endurance. As on the previous occasion, 
Bern found it at first difficult to rouse the Confederates, 
but once alive to the danger of Morat, there was a 
splendid mustering from all the cities of the League, 
and on the evening of the 19th almost all the expected 
levies had arrived close at hand at Ulmitz — more than 
thirty thousand picked men, amongst them the gallant 
young Rene of Lorraine with a small company of 
mercenaries. The men of Zurich were the last to 
arrive, after truly heroic efforts. They had struggled 
into Bern in less than three days of incessant march- 
ing, utterly exhausted ; but when they learnt how 
urgent was the need, they set forth again at midnight 
in darkness and storm, many dropping by the way ere 



BATTLE OF MORAT 

the bridge at Gummingen was crossed. They entered 
the camp through a lane of spears, amid shouts of 
welcome from the comrades who had waited for them, 
at their earnest entreaty. 

The delay they had caused proved, in fact, one 
cause of success. Saturday, June the 22nd, was the 
anniversary of the battle of Laupen, won in 1399, 
and the Swiss attack being expected on this day, 
the troops of Burgundy had been drawn up at 
dawn in battle order, in the place selected by their 
leader. But after six hours of drenching rain, as no 
enemy appeared, they dispersed to their quarters, 
laid aside their arms, and devoted themselves to rest 
and refreshment. It was then, at noon, that the Swiss 
army suddenly broke out from the forest and advanced 
with the steady impetuous courage which no enemy 
could resist. The artillery of Burgundy swept down 
the cavalry until their guns were taken, but the infantry 
pressed on towards the camp, and against the serried 
ranks of spears the squadrons dashed themselves in 
vain. The rout, commencing on the right wing, soon 
became general, for when Charles gave the order to 
fall back that he might reform his troops on more 
favourable ground, all concerted resistance was at an 
end. Yet the struggle was long and terrible before the 
army of Burgundy was swept from the field ; it is 
believed that two-thirds of that splendid army fell in 
battle, were massacred in the pursuit for no prisoners 
were taken, or drowned in the waters of the lake. The 
fighting lasted till the close of the long summer day, 
when the conquerors returned to the camp to share the 
spoil, but this time they found little booty beyond a 
great stock of provisions, banners, arms, and artillery. 

223 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

News of the battle reached Yolande Duchess of 
Savoy at Gex early on the Sunday morning, and it was 
confirmed before night by the arrival of the Duke of 
Burgundy with a small escort of less than a hundred 
horse. He tried to persuade her to accompany him to 
Franche-Comte with her children, and on her refusal 
he gave secret orders to his chamberlain to seize the 
whole royal family of Savoy on their way to Geneva. 
Olivier de la Marche unwillingly obeyed, but failed in 
an important point, as the eldest son, Duke Philibert, 
escaped through the presence of mind of his governor. 
This most unchivalrous and ungrateful deed was there- 
fore a failure. 

This was the letter of congratulation which Louis XI 
wrote, July i6, 1476, to the ^'Avoyers" and counsel- 
lors of the city of Bern. " Erlachtesten herren, ouch 
aller furliebsten friind, and durch Gots gnad aller 
unuberwindlichesten. Illustrious lords and very 
special friends, by the grace of God most invincible, 
we have learnt by your letters . . . that the Duke of 
Burgundy, our common enemy, has criminally invaded 
your country with intention and will to destroy the 
country entirely. . . . Seeing which God in His mercy 
has prevented and has given you the victory and 
triumph in ordered battle, on the above . . . and has 
delivered into your hands his train with all his muni- 
tions of war, which to us has been a great comfort as a 
thing expected and ardently desired . . . and to obtain 
at length a most happy peace, with the assistance of 
Him Who procures eternal peace, and may the same 
deliver you from your enemies and protect you by His 
goodness, for the continual increase of your name and 
your lordship. ..." 

224 



BATTLE OF MORAT 

When Louis heard that his sister Yolande had been 
imprisoned by the Duke of Burgundy he was much 
disturbed, and immediately took steps to keep order 
in Savoy, and also to procure the freedom of the 
Duchess and her family from the chateau of Rouvres, 
where she was confined. When she came to him at 
Tours, he received her with the utmost affection, only 
saluting her with: " Soyez la bienvenue, Madame 
la Bourguignonne." " Elle connut bien a sa visage 
qu'il ne se faisoit que jouer ; et repondit bien sagement 
qu'elle estoit bonne Fran9oise, et preste d'obeyr au roy, 
en ce qu'il luy plairoit luy commander." Commines 
goes on to say that the King "ordered him to supply 
her money while she was at the Court and for her 
journey home, and to provide her with silken stuffs. 
When she took leave of the King he saw to her safe 
escort home, and gave her back her children, and all 
her places and her rings and everything that belonged 
to her. They were both glad to part, and have re- 
mained since good brother and sister until death." 

Before the Duchess left, a deputation arrived from 
the Swiss League, who were splendidly received and 
loaded with presents, and Adrian of Bubemberg their 
president, was honoured with the collar of St. Michael. 
An embassy also arrived from the Duke of Brittany 
for the execution of a fresh treaty, of the kind which 
he had so often made and broken before. 

After his defeat at Morat, the Duke of Burgundy 
retreated to the castle of La Riviere, near Pontarlier, 
where he spent nearly two months, a prey to gloomy 
despair. Bad news reached him from every side, 
but when he heard that Rene had collected an army 
and with the help of Alsace was invading Lorraine, 
Q 225 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

his savage rage knew no bounds, and he set himself to 
the difficult task of collecting an army. He found it 
necessary to promise double pay in order to keep his 
own men, and he could not induce the burghers of 
Flanders to listen to his mandates and invectives, and 
advance him the large sums of money he demanded. 
Meantime Rene of Lorraine was making good pro- 
gress, for many of the towns submitted to him at once 
as their rightful lord, and others were taken after 
slight resistance. At last the gallant young Prince 
arrived before Nancy, which was bravely defended at 
first by its Burgundian garrison and a company of 
English archers, but when the provisions began to fail 
and there seemed no hope of relief, the soldiers insisted 
upon a capitulation, which was readily granted on the 
most honourable terms. When the Governor, the 
Lord of Bievres, son of Jacqueline de Croy, rode out 
from the city gate, Rene bowed the knee before his 
cousin and thanked him for having so well governed 
his duchy. 

Charles was at that very time advancing to the rescue 
of Nancy, and he reached Toul on October 2nd, to hear 
that the beleaguered city had fallen three days before. 
Rene's army was not numerous enough for a pitched 
battle, and he therefore left a strong garrison in his 
capital, and finding that the city was now provisioned 
for two months, he promised to return within that time 
bringing fresh levies, or give up the struggle. His 
only hope was now in the Swiss League, and he 
hastened to Basel, where he appealed to the assembly 
of deputies. But he had much opposition to contend 
with, for the Pope, the Emperor, and the King of 
Hungary were alarmed at the dangerous position of 

226 



BATTLE OF MORAT 

Charles, and were doing their utmost to make peace. 
However, with the help of large advances of money 
from the King of France, Rene was able to enlist a 
paid army of mercenaries from the Cantons, and at 
length, after Mass on Christmas Day, the young Duke 
set forth with an army which had reached the number 
of twenty thousand by the time when he arrived before 
the walls of Nancy. It was some weeks since the two 
months had expired, and the besieged were reduced to 
the last extremity by famine and the terrible severity 
of the winter, from which, however, the army of Bur- 
gundy outside the walls had suffered most. 

This was the moment which Campo Basso chose for 
his treacherous desertion of the Duke of Burgundy, 
but when he attempted to join the enemy, the Swiss 
refused to fight with a traitor. In vain the faithful 
vassals of Charles endeavoured to persuade him to 
avoid an engagement in the weakened condition of 
his army and to withdraw while there was yet time. 
But the unconquered spirit of the Duke was that of a 
lion at bay, and he fiercely put aside all such counsel ; 
he had resolved to go forth and meet the enemy, not 
await their coming. 

On the "Vigil of the Kings," Sunday, January 5, 
1477, the reveille sounded before daybreak, and under 
cover of darkness, the Burgundian army was led a 
" short half-league " to the south-east where the road 
to St. Nicolas enters a forest, near a little rivulet flowing 
into the Meurthe. Here Charles placed his artillery 
in front on a mound commanding the road by which 
the foe must come, and behind it the archers and pike- 
men drawn up in a square, like those of the Swiss, 
while the wings on each side were composed of cavalry. 

227 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

As he fastened his helmet, we are told that the golden 
lion of Flanders on the crest fell to the ground, but he 
would not have it replaced. '* Hoc est signum Dei," 
he said. While the morning wore away a heavy 
snowstorm came on, but it passed at noon, and as the 
sun burst through the clouds, the troops of Rene, 
whose scouts had brought news of the manoeuvre, came 
down the wooded hill from an unlooked-for quarter, 
and of a sudden the two hostile armies were face to 
face. Although the gunners were unable to turn their 
pieces, yet there was time for Charles to bring forward 
his archers, and the attacking force suffered severely, 
for their weapons caught in the brambles and they had 
difficulty in making their way out. But before long 
the attack was general, and the overwhelming number 
and magnificent valour of the Swiss levies had soon 
decided the fate of the battle. 

Ever in the thick of the fight, leading, encouraging, 
charging with desperate courage, the image of the 
mighty Duke on his black horse long remained the 
ideal of a splendid warrior, alike for friend and foe. 
Almost the last to leave that fatal field, he was borne 
onward by the flying host, with a little band of chival- 
rous nobles closing in around him. How he fell is 
still shrouded in mystery, although many traditions 
have gathered round his end, in that fearful scene of 
bloodshed and destruction from whence but few es- 
caped of the routed host. It is said that two days 
later his body, stripped of his splendid armour and 
scarcely to be recognized, was found embedded in the 
mud on the banks of the frozen stream, and buried 
with all reverence by Rene, the young conqueror. 

So surpassing ^^had been the fame of Charles of 

228 



DEATH OF CHARLES OF BURGUNDY 

Burgundy, so dazzling the glamour which clung to 
his personality, that we are told it was long before his 
subjects really believed in his death. A fall so great 
and sudden could not be possible ; their Duke was but 
biding his time, and would come again to shine forth 
in greatness and glory. 

With regard to the character of Charles, the estimate 
given by Freeman is very suggestive. "The novels 
of Scott have led people to see nothing but an embodi- 
ment of brute force in a man whose very mixed 
character is a really instructive study of human nature. 
It would be an abuse of words to call Charles either 
a great man or a good man ; but there were in his 
character strong elements both of greatness and good- 
ness." He speaks of the Duke's inflexible will, his 
stern and unbending justice, combined with utter 
indifference to human suffering. Of this, notable in- 
stances were seen at Dinant and Liege, and we cannot 
acquit him, on various occasions, of the treachery 
which is not usually associated with outspoken violence. 
Yet, as Commines says, "To speak truth, he was en- 
dowed with many good qualities," and as we read the 
tragedy of his downfall, all our sympathy is with him. 

There is a curious letter written by Louis at Plessis- 
du-Parc, on January 9, 1477. He had not yet heard 
of the death of the Duke of Burgundy, but knew that 
a battle had been fought. "To the Counsellors and 
inhabitants of Dijon. De par le roy. Chiers et bien 
amez, nous avons S9eu I'inconvenient advenu a beaul 
frere de Bourgoingne, dont nous desplaist." (We 
have heard of the inconvenience which has befallen our 
fair brother of Burgundy, at which we are troubled.) 
"And if it were so that his person were taken or 

229 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

dead, which God forbid, you know that . . . his 
daughter is our near relation and god-daughter, whose 
rights we would keep in such a way as our own, . . . 
and we advise you that you place yourselves in no 
other hands than ours, and we will maintain the rights 
of our said god-daughter. ..." The King also wrote 
on the same day to the Lord of Craon to take posses- 
sion of the duchy and county of Burgundy if he 
should hear of the Duke's death. This was justifiable 
with regard to the duchy, which was a male fief but 
returned to the Crown as there was no male heir, and 
Louis had no right to the county of Burgundy (Franche- 
Comte), and as for his suggestion of the Dauphin as 
the husband of Marie of Burgundy, this would cer- 
tainly cause a war with Edward IV, whose little 
daughter was already called the *'Dauphine." 

On receiving certain news of the death of Charles, 
the King of France wrote to the different towns in the 
duchy of Burgundy, pointing out that it had reverted 
to the Crown by the conditions under which it was 
given by Jean II le Bon to his son Philip in 1363. 
He had the support of the Prince of Orange and the 
Bishop of Langres, who induced the burghers to 
accept quietly the French occupation. In the north, 
the towns of the Somme were French at heart, and 
soon opened their gates to Louis, some by means of a 
golden key. By the Treaty of Peronne, their return by 
purchase had been stipulated for. Commines and the 
Admiral of Bourbon were well received, both at Abbe- 
ville and St. Quentin, and also won over Philip de 
Crevecoeur the Governor of Arras, while the lands of 
Ponthieu, Santerre, and Vermandois made no resist- 
ance when the King himself reached them. As for the 

230 



DEATH OF CHARLES OF BURGUNDY 

heiress of Duke Charles, she had sent a protest to the 
town of Dijon against the occupation of the duchy by 
France, but she could make no armed resistance, for 
she was detained by the burghers of Ghent, who re- 
joiced in their freedom from the stern rule of Charles, 
and resolved to make the most of their opportunity. 

Were not the last moments of the headstrong Charles 
the Rash troubled by thoughts of the young daughter 
whom he left powerless to protect her vast inheritance? 
For in truth this was the immediate result of his over- 
throw. The much-desired Marie of Burgundy, the 
cynosure of all Europe, to whose hand her father had 
suffered so many princes to aspire, now found herself 
a defenceless girl in the midst of grasping and exultant 
foes. 



231 



CHAPTER XIV 

I477-8I 

Assassination of Galeazzo Duke of Milan— Louis 
INVADES Franche-Comte— Troubles in the Nether- 
lands — The Men of Ghent put to Death the Minis- 
ters of Marie of Burgundy — Revolt of Arras 
cruelly repressed — Picardy laid waste— Marriage 
OF Maximilian of Austria and Marie of Burgundy 
—Truce with France— Failing health of Louis XL 

The tidings of another disaster reached the King of 
France at about the same time as that of the battle of 
Nancy. On the morrow of Christmas Day, Galeazzo 
Sforzo, Duke of Milan, was assassinated at the doors 
of the church of San Stefano. The tragic story is 
well known — how his wife Bona had a presentiment of 
evil and prayed him to remain at home, and how the 
Duke was struck down by a courtier he had wronged, 
as he entered the great doorway while the choir sang 
"Sic transit gloria mundi." It so chanced that his 
two brothers, Lodovico and Sforza, Duke of Bari, 
were at that moment the guests of Louis XI, as, weary 
of inaction, they had been travelling in France, and 
after visiting Angers and Paris they had come to 
spend Christmas at Tours, although the Duke of 
Milan, so long the friend of France, had joined the 
side of Burgundy. On January 9, Louis wrote to 
inform the people of Poitiers of this event, as it 

232 



ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF MILAN 

appears to have been his friendly custom to share any 
important news at once with his faithful subjects. 

" Chers et bien amez, nous avons sceu puis aucuns 
jours la detestable et cruelle mort de . . . feu nostra 
beau frere le due de Milan, a qui Dieu pardoint . . ." 
Then he gives particulars of the "cruel and execrable 
deed . . . the inhuman crime. . . ." 

Yet after expressing all this reprobation, Louis 
gives an instance of his curious cold detachment of 
mind by writing three days later to Poitiers, ordering 
festal processions to celebrate the death of his enemies 
the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Burgundy. He 
will openly rejoice over the downfall of his foes in the 
spirit of the ancient Israelites, after having clearly 
expressed his detestation of any crimes by which it 
was accomplished. In subsequent letters we find that 
Louis proved himself a good friend to the widowed 
Bona, Duchess of Milan, who was to suffer so much 
from her brother-in-law Lodovico, and who was always 
**dame de petit sens." It was at this time that Louis 
of Orleans, afterwards Louis XII, now a boy of four- 
teen, tried to persuade the King to uphold his rights 
to Milan, inherited from his grandmother Valentine 
Visconti, and this early ambition should have proved a 
warning to Louis XI. 

We find in other letters of this period, the extreme 
care which he gives to the order and discipline of his 
army, and he made his treasurers swear to pay the men 
punctually, to pay in money, never in kind . . . and 
to watch over the interests of the inhabitants of garri- 
soned towns. While Louis was at Peronne he gave 
audience to an embassy from the Duke of Brittany, 
who wished to be reassured that the Treaty of Senlis 

233 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

held good. He also received the deputies sent by 
Marie of Burgundy, the leaders being two faithful 
ministers of Duke Charles, both of French birth : the 
Chancellor Hugenot and the Lord of Humbercourt. 
They brought a letter signed by the young Duchess in 
which she very unwisely announced that these two 
lords, with Margaret of York and Adolphe of Cleves, 
were her four chosen advisers, by whose counsel she 
would be guided. Now the estates of Flanders, and 
other representatives of the vier landen^ had recently 
met at Ghent early in February, 1477, and had com- 
pelled Marie to sign the " Groote Privilegie," which re- 
voked all the encroachments of Charles upon their 
privileges, and gave them extraordinary powers of self- 
government. She appears also to have promised to do 
nothing without their advice, and to dismiss the two 
French lords from her council. 

But when Louis was at the cite of Arras, of which he 
took possession on March 5, he received another em- 
bassy, this time from the men of Ghent, and being in 
doubt of their authority to treat with him, he showed 
them the previous letter of Marie, which he had not 
been asked to keep secret. The civic deputies returned 
to Ghent full of their discovery, to find that the storm 
had already broken out, and that the town was furious 
at the suspicion that Hugenot was persuading their 
Duchess to escape to France. Their news about the 
letter may have been the last straw, for Hugenot and 
Humbercourt, who had been arrested on March 4, 
were tried three weeks later by a commission of only 
eight nobles and a number of burghers, and found 
guilty. In vain Marie appeared before the judges and 
made a touching appeal for her friends, and when they 

234 



LOUIS INVADES FRANCHE-COMTE 

were condemned, hurried alone into the market-place, 
and with tears besought that they might be spared. 
But nothing could soften the vindictive obstinacy of 
the citizens, and after being tortured to extract a con- 
fession, these two noble and faithful servants of the 
House of Burgundy were put to death on April 3. The 
Dowager Duchess Margaret of York and the Sire of 
Ravestein had made their escape, for several other 
well-known supporters of Burgundy were executed, 
and Marie herself, now deprived of her friends, was 
closely watched and kept in a kind of honourable 
imprisonment. 

Louis XI had kept Easter at Therouanne and then 
moved on to Hesdin, which he took, permitting the 
garrison to march out with all the honours of war. 
From Hesdin he wrote to the Count of Boulogne that 
he had taken Boulogne, and as it was such an im- 
portant place and so difficult to defend, he would not 
hand it over to him, but would give him the county 
of Lauraguais instead as an indemnity. Soon after 
this, Arras revolted with the help of some Burgun- 
dians, who threw themselves into the town. They 
insulted the French garrison, hurled defiance at the 
King in satirical rhymes, and succeeded in wounding 
him when he appeared in person before the walls to 
watch the effect of his new artillery. He thus writes 
on the subject: *'Au regard de ma blessure, 9'a este 
le due de Bretaigne qui le m'a fait faire, pour ce qui 
me appelloit le roy couart ..." (the coward king). Louis 
probably meant that this taunt of the Duke of Brit- 
tany caused him to expose himself rashly. The whole 
story of the treatment of Arras by Louis XI remains 
so serious a blot upon his reign that it must be given 

23s 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

with full details. When the seditious party in the 
town rebelled against the French occupation, they 
appear to have sent a deputation to Marie of Bur- 
gundy, obtaining a safe conduct by some pretext ; 
while at the same time a large body of Flemish troops 
advanced to the help of the revolted citizens. Looking 
upon this as a piece of concerted treachery, Louis 
ordered the deputies to be overtaken and brought 
back to Hesdin, where they were tried and condemned 
to death by the Provost-Marshal. Half the number 
were beheaded. The King thus relates the story : 
*' Ceux dudit Arras s'estoient assemblez bien vingt 
deux ou vingt trois pour aller en ambassade devers 
mademoiselle de Bourgoigne. Ilz ont este prins et 
les instructions qu'ilz portoient, et ont eu les testes 
trenchees car ils m'avoient fait une fois serment. II 
y en avoit un entre les autres, maistre Oudart de 
Bussy, a qui j'avois donne une seigneurie au parle- 
ment ; et enfin qu'on congneust bien sa teste, je I'ai 
faicte atourner d'ung beau chaperon fourre, et est sus 
le marche d'Hesdin la ou il preside." (Those of Arras 
had assembled , twenty-two or twenty-three to go on 
an embassy to Mademoiselle of Burgundy. They have 
been taken with the instructions they bore, and have 
been beheaded, for they had sworn an oath to me. 
There was amongst the others, one M. Oudart de 
Bussy, whom I had made a councillor of the Parle- 
ment ; and in order that his head might be recognized 
I caused it to be adorned with a handsome fur-cap, 
and it is above the market-place of Hesdin where he 
presides.) This grim jest, the only one of the kind 
which we find in the whole of the King's immense 
correspondence, reminds us of the brutal custom of the 

236 



WAR WITH MARIE OF BURGUNDY 

day, and especially of the Duke of York's head with a 
paper crown, placed on the walls of York by Mar- 
guerite of Anjou a few years earlier. But if Louis 
thought to rule the turbulent citizens by the terror 
of these executions, he was woefully mistaken, for they 
continued their course of conspiracy and sedition, until 
at length, in 1479, he was so incensed against them that 
he actually tried the desperate remedy of expelling the 
inhabitants of Arras, destroying its fortifications, re- 
peopling it with settlers from other towns, and chang- 
ing its name to ''Franchise." But this was beyond the 
power of even an absolute King ; the strangers were 
slow to come, and the citizens returned to their deserted 
homes after the Peace of Arras (1482), while Arras it 
remains to this day. 

We cannot exonerate Louis for this terrible act of 
despotism, although it may have fallen far short of the 
massacre of the whole population of Dinant, Liege, 
and Nesle by the Duke of Burgundy. Louis may have 
hoped to insure the peace in other cities by so severe 
an example, but as all such universal punishment is 
necessarily unjust, he committed a crime which no 
treachery or rebellion can excuse. 

Returning to the campaign iq Picardy of the spring 
of 1477, we find Louis writing to Dammartin on May 
7. '* I have taken Arras. ... I will join you with a 
good company." From this date we can trace the 
whole course of the King's conquests in Artois from 
the headings of his many letters. St. Omer was the 
only place which held out, for Tournay, which paid a 
yearly sum to remain neutral, was persuaded by 
Olivier le Daim to receive a French garrison at the 
very moment when it was threatened by Burgundy. 

237 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

The King arrived before Cambray, a free city very 
strongly fortified, owing homage to the Empire. The 
inhabitants remembered that they had once belonged 
to France and opened their gates to Louis and his 
suite, replacing the Imperial eagle on their standard by 
the royal lilies. But when a truce was concluded later, 
the King humorously suggested that the mayor had 
better put his bird up again some fine night and say 
that it had come back with the swallows. He retained 
still his jurisdiction as Viscount of Cambray. At the 
siege of Bouchain, towards the end of May, 1477, 
Tanneguy du Chatel, the devoted servant of both 
Charles VII and his son, was fatally wounded by the 
King's side, to his great sorrow. He caused the brave 
soldiers to be buried at Notre Dame de Clery, by the 
side of the tomb prepared for himself. When Bouchain 
had fallen, Le Quesnoy was next taken, and here Raoul 
de Lannoy distinguished himself so greatly that the 
King said to him : *' You are too fierce in battle, my 
friend, you need a chain " ; and then gave him the 
collar of St. Michael which he was wearing. When 
Louis arrived before Avesnes, the town had arranged 
to surrender, but the inhabitants revolted, tore up the 
royal letter without reading it, and fired on the 
messengers. As a punishment, the place was destroyed 
by fire and sword ; a most regrettable incident, but in 
strict accordance with the customs of war, which was 
not carried on in those days with rose-water methods. 

Valenciennes and other towns of Hainault still held 
out, and it is very painful to read of villages burnt 
and the country laid waste. In a letter written on 
June 25th at St. Quentin, we find Louis writing to 
Dammartin : "Je vous envoye troys ou quatre mille 

238 



WAR WITH MARIE OF BURGUNDY 

faucheurs pour faire le gast que vous savez. Je vous 
prye, mettez les en besongne, et ne plaignez pas cinq 
ou six pippes de vin k les faire bien boyre et a les 
enyvrer. ..." (I send you three or four thousand 
mowers to do the '' wasting " that you know of. I pray 
you, set them to work, and do not grudge five or six 
pipes of wine to make them drink well and intoxicate 
them. . . .") This was to mow down the growing 
crops. Another letter adds: "Show that you have 
seen this done before, by Salisbury, Talbot, Escalles, 
and all those people." It is quite true that such 
destruction was the universal custom, but nothing can 
excuse such conduct. 

On July 2nd, Louis writes to send war news to 
the people of Abbeville, Rheims, and other towns. 
" Last Friday, the Duke of Guelders came with 10,000 
or 12,000 Flemings to set fire to the suburbs of Tour- 
nay . . . and they were driven out . . . and the said 
Duke of Guelders was struck down and carried dead 
into the said town of Tournay. . . . and two days 
after in the battle * Dieu merci, Nostre Dame et Mon- 
seigneur St. Martin,' there remained on the field 7000 
to 8000 Flemings, 800 to 1000 prisoners, 800 chariots 
with artillery, etc. ..." 

This was Adolphus Duke of Guelders who had 
behaved so cruelly to his father, and who was the hus- 
band chosen by the men of Ghent for their young 
Duchess. But after his death, they were willing to 
allow Marie to carry out her father's last intention and 
marry according to her own choice, the gallant, hand- 
some, young Maximilian, son of the Emperor, who 
was now a desirable ally for the Flemish towns, against 
France. This wedding, which was to have so im- 

239 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

portant an influence on the future history of Europe, 
actually took place at Ghent on August i8th, 1477. 
The whole picturesque and most interesting story has 
been so fully told elsewhere, that I will not repeat 
it here.^ A temporary truce was concluded early in 
September, between Maximilian of Austria and the 
King of France, which might end at any time with four 
days' notice. 

The close alliance between Burgundy and the Empire 
was a great blow to the policy of Louis, who had other 
troubles at home during this year. Jean II, Prince of 
Orange, his trusted general, forsook him to join the 
side of Maximilian, and persuaded many towns to 
revolt. Then at last the King could no longer remain 
blind to the repeated treachery of his early friend 
Jacques Duke of Nemours, whom he had rewarded 
with his title and great estates, and had spared and 
forgiven again and again. He was condemned 
to death by a solemn and impartial tribunal and exe- 
cuted on August 4th, 1477. But he left a Parthian shot 
behind, for in his confession he had implicated almost 
all the princes of the blood and the great nobles includ- 
ing Dammartin, and from that time Louis felt himself 
to be in such an atmosphere of perfidy and ingratitude 
that he was always a prey to suspicion. Brantome 
says that "his grandmother told him" the children of 
Nemours were placed under the scaffold, but no serious 
historian has believed this horrible calumny. 

Louis felt that his truce with Burgundy could not 
last long, and we find in his letters that he is having 
new and improved cannon made, and is also in close 
alliance with the Swiss League, from whom he receives 

^ Marguerite of Austria^ by Christopher Hare, p. 12. 
240 




MARIE OF BURGUNDY, WIFE OF MAXIMILIAN 
From an old engraving by Suyderhoef 



To face p. 240 



TREACHERY OF ORANGE AND NEMOURS 

a large force of mercenaries. The Duke of Brittany 
was betrayed by a secretary, who told Louis that he 
was conspiring with England ; and when the King 
accused him of this treachery, Duke Fran9ois made 
humble submission and swore on the true cross to 
be faithful henceforth. He had no choice, for his 
nobles were against him, and Louis had a strong 
army on the frontier ready to invade his province, as 
there was at that moment peace with Maximilian. As 
for Edward IV, he had no wish for war with Louis 
who paid him so well, and who, by^keeping most of 
the English ministers in his pay, was sure of their 
support. When Edward repeated to him the com- 
plaints of Margaret his sister, Duchess Dowager of 
Burgundy, Louis replied at once that he would give 
the Duchess every compensation for injury done to 
her towns. The truce with England, which had been 
made for seven years, was now prolonged until the 
death of either King. There is a curious correspond- 
ence between the King of France and the Emperor, 
who cannot help his son with money or men, but 
writes to remonstrate with his enemy. Louis replies 
in Latin letters of many pages, in which he points out 
that this quarrel of Maximilian has nothing to do with 
the Empire ; that it was by no fault of his that the lilies 
of France replaced the Imperial eagle at Cambray ; that 
he is amazed that at this critical moment for Christi- 
anity, threatened by the Turks, the Emperor should 
encourage war, etc. etc. . . . 

Louis always kept up great interest in the affairs of 

Italy. He wrote friendly letters to the Doge of Venice, 

who saw in him an ally against the exactions of 

Sixtus IV and the ambition of Naples. The men of 

R 241 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Florence were always the firm allies of Louis, and when 
on April 26, 1478, Giuliano dei Medici was murdered 
by the Pazzi in the church of the Reparata, the King 
not only wrote to express his indignation and grief in 
the strongest terms, but he sent Commines on a 
special embassy to Lorenzo. When the Pope joined 
with Naples to invade the territory of Florence, Louis 
assembled a great meeting of clergy at Orleans, where 
it was declared that a General Council must be sum- 
moned to heal the abuses of the Church. This was 
the last thing which Sixtus desired, and he was com- 
pelled to allow the kings of France and England to 
arbitrate between him and the Republic, which was 
thus effectually protected. There are a number of 
most interesting letters to the Pope, Milan, Ferrara, 
Naples, all with the one refrain, " Peace, peace ! " 

The Prince of Orange, who was now his bitter 
enemy, had tried to poison him, and Louis alludes to 
*' le prince de Trente Deniers qui nous a voulu empoi- 
sonner ..." (comparing Orange to Judas, with his 
thirty pieces of silver). 

In Spain the diplomacy of Louis was as successful 
as in Italy, for he concluded a solemn treaty with 
Ferdinand and Isabel on October 9, 1478, and was 
thus at liberty to devote all his energies to the coming 
contest with Maximilian, who broke the truce by 
taking Cambray. Soon after this. Dole was taken by 
the French and razed to the ground, and the rest of 
the province was not long in submitting. The free 
city of Besan9on acknowledged the King as suzerain, 
and was rewarded by many privileges. The Univer- 
sity of Dole was re-established there. Unfortunately 
Dammartin, no longer having the King's full con- 

242 



BATTLE OF GUINEGASTE 

fidence, had been succeeded in command of the army 
in the north by Philip de Crevecoeur, who had less 
experience and caution. Maximilian had advanced to 
besiege Therouanne and met the French army about 
a league south of the city at Guinegaste, August 7, 
1479. Crevecoeur, trusting to his cavalry, charged the 
enemy's horse, who were few in comparison and broke 
before the vehemence of his onrush. Forgetting all 
else, the French general pursued the flying horsemen, 
and meanwhile his "francs-archers" attacked the 
Flemish pikemen, who were splendidly led by Maxi- 
milian, and made a steady resistance. The French 
garrison of Therouanne sallied forth to help, but pass- 
ing the Flemish camp on their way, they stayed to 
plunder it, and to massacre the helpless camp followers 
they found in it. In this it is said that the ''francs- 
archers " joined, and this want of discipline lost them 
the hope of victory, for they were pursued and cut 
down by the Flemings. When Crevecoeur and his 
men-at-arms returned from the wild pursuit, it was to 
find their infantry scattered, and all they could do was 
to endeavour to cover their retreat, leaving Maximilian 
in possession. 

The battle had lasted for six hours, seven thousand 
men are said to have been left on the field, and, as 
Sismondi remarks, this battle was 'Mike that of Mon- 
tl'hery indecisive and useless to the apparent victor." 
They were the only two battles of importance in the reign 
of Louis XI, and both were fought against the King's 
wish. After this the system of free archers came to 
an end, as a new body of heavy-armed infantry was 
raised to take their place, and each town had to con- 
tribute money instead of men. This was a source of 

243 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

great discontent, for the people only saw a new and 
heavy tax in the carefully considered scheme by which 
the King hoped to improve the defence of the realm. 
He met with the usual fate of all reformers — misunder- 
standing and even hatred. This burden was all the 
heavier as at the time the health of Louis, who 
had never been strong, began to fail visibly. When 
Commines came back from his year of absence in Italy 
as ambassador, he noticed with sorrow that he "found 
the King our master somewhat aged and inclined to 
be sickly." In a letter of Louis in June, 1479, to the 
Bishop of Albi, whom he humorously calls " le plus 
vaillans que fut oncques I'evesque Turpin," he men- 
tions that he was travelling to Dijon with his niece 
Louise of Savoy, daughter of his sister Yolande, whose 
marriage he was arranging, when he was taken ill 
with the heat. After this we constantly find in his 
letters allusions to his health, a desire to avoid the 
great heats, inquiries about the mortalites of various 
places, messengers sent in advance to Dijon and else- 
where to find out if there is an epidemic in the town, 
and to Auxerre to ask '* s'il fait bon et sein dans ladicte 
ville et si la mortalite a cessee." 

The King still continues his incessant journeys all 
over his kingdom, but he has become more careful ; 
he asks frequently for prayers for his health, and he 
sends urgent orders for "graines de genievre rouges" 
(red juniper seeds) to be sent to him. 

But his mental vigour is as great as ever, and we find 
him taking the keenest inte«rest in every minute detail of 
the administration of justice, sending clear and positive 
instructions to his governors and generals, and work- 
ing for the good of his kingdom with an energy which 

244 



FAILING HEALTH OF LOUIS XI 

would wear out a younger man. In his anxiety not 
to betray the state of his health to foreign princes, 
Louis shows more eagerness than ever in sending for 
harriers of some famous breed from Flanders, from 
Brittany or Spain, he preferred them " de poil roux," 
but he had also some white dogs ; horses from Naples, 
a splendid mule from Sicily, and small ponies from 
Barbary, and for all these he would pay any price 
*'for his hunting," although this delight of his earlier 
life was now a great effort to him. He had taken 
deep interest in his fleet which was now in cbmmand 
of an experienced admiral, who met with much success 
on the coast, and in 1480 captured, on its way to 
Holland, the whole of the herring fleet which supplied 
all Europe with salt fish. 

While his own health was becoming precarious, the 
King felt great anxiety about the Dauphin Charles 
who had always been a delicate child, and who re- 
mained at Amboise under the care of his mother. He 
requires constant news of the boy, who in 1480 had 
several attacks of fever and a violent cough, and he shows 
the most anxious affection. Thus he writes :''... Do 
not take Monsieur le Daulphin out in the fields till 
February, and send me word to-morrow morning how 
he is to-night, for having been out in the fields. ..." 
And again: "If Monsieur le Daulphin is in good 
health bring him to see me . . . and pay great attention 
to him. ..." If Charles has a cough, there are the 
most minute inquiries as to how he caught it, and who 
is to blame, and if there has been any neglect, etc. 
Louis has been accused of neglecting his son's educa- 
tion, but he had excellent tutors and if he was back- 
ward in his studies, what can we expect of a sickly 

24s 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

boy of ten whose health was naturally the first con- 
sideration ? 

Two important events happened in July, 1480 : the 
capture of Otranto by the Turks, which filled all Chris- 
tian Europe with dismay, and the death of Rene of 
Anjou, Maine, Provence, and Bar, which brought for- 
ward the question of succession to all these provinces. 
The genial old Duke had spent the last years of his 
life in the peaceful serenity of his home in sunny 
Provence, amid the flowers and birds, with his love of 
art and poetry to keep him ever young at heart. " Se 
chauffer I'hiver a la cheminee du bon roi Rene " is a 
proverb in Provence, where his memory still lives. 
His second wife, the fair Jeanne de Laval, "la petite 
Bretonne," was left well provided for, but his daughter 
Marguerite had been a prisoner in England when his 
will was made, and he had only left her 3000 ecus in 
one sum and 200 livres yearly. It was Louis who had 
paid her ransom, and who maintained her, and after 
her father's death, she renewed her gift of all her claims 
on the various provinces to the King. Rene had left 
Provence to his nephew, Charles Count of Maine, on 
whose death the following year it was bequeathed to 
the Crown of France, which also held Anjou and most 
of Bar. This was a great gain to France, as the 
command of that southern coast was most valuable 
for the trade of the kingdom. Louis had much affec- 
tion for his uncle, and caused solemn funeral services 
to be performed in all the great churches, and " Masses 
for the repose of the soul of King Rene." 

In order to unite the Christian princes against the 
infidels, the Pope sent his nephew, Giuliano della 
Rovere (later Julius II), as papal Legate to mediate 

246 



DEATH OF RENE OF ANJOU 

between Louis and Maximilian, who made many diffi- 
culties, and, in fact, the truce was only prolonged for 
seven months, from September 2, 1480, until the fol- 
lowing April. It was proclaimed in Paris by sound 
of trumpet, as was the peace with England, which was 
renewed. The King writes to the Duchess of Milan 
soon after this, to suggest that her second daughter 
Anna, his niece, should marry the eldest son of Edward 
IV. He had a great belief in the value of alliances to 
preserve peace between nations. The Dauphin Charles 
was at this time promised to Edward's daughter Eliza- 
beth. As a curious example of the King's intimate 
knowledge of Italian politics, there is a curious letter, 
very long and interesting, written to the Cardinal 
Giuliano, informing him that immediately after he 
left Rome a plot was formed against him by the 
bishops of Sebenique and Tournay, to deprive him 
of his legation. He was on very friendly terms with 
the Legate, and at his request had given Cardinal 
Balue and Harancourt Bishop of Verdun, their liberty 
from the Bastile cages after eleven years of imprison- 
ment. The progress of the Turks is very much on 
his mind, and he expresses a strong wish to go and 
fight them as soon as he is at peace with all his 
neighbours. 

But all these plans and hopes were abruptly put an 
end to by a very serious attack of illness at Chinon, in 
March, 148 1 ; a slight stroke of apoplexy, which for 
the time deprived him of speech and memory. His 
doctor, with ideas on hygiene far in advance of his 
age, caused the windows to be opened, and the King 
slightly recovered. Two of his attendants who, with 
the best intentions, tried to keep him by force from 

247 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

going near the window, were afterwards dismissed 
from the palace. Commines explains: "II n'estoit 
rien dont il eust si grande crainte que de perdre son 
auctorit^. . . ." He adds: "II me fit signe que je 
couchasse en sa chambre . . . il voulut que je fusse 
tousjours aupr^s de lui. ..." He gradually recovered 
his strength, and insisted upon seeing all his letters 
and dispatches and having them answered. He had 
not much faith in any physicians, even Angelo Catho 
above mentioned, whom he afterwards made Arch- 
bishop of Vienne, and by whose request Commines 
wrote his memoirs in after days. With little confi- 
dence in human science, he believed much in prayers 
and almsgiving. We hear of his attending a neuvaine 
with the Queen at the tomb of St. Martin, and each 
day that he heard Mass with her, he always gave an 
offering of thirty-one gold crowns. One day when he 
was in church, a poor clerk fell at his feet and said 
that he had been a year in prison for a debt of more 
than 1500 livres, and this Louis paid for him, saying, 
" As I pray God for pity, it is just that I should have 
pity on others." 

As soon as Louis was strong enough, he travelled 
into Normandy to see the great camp which he had 
commanded to be established in a plain near Pont 
de I'Arche. Here were assembled 10,000 foot soldiers, 
including his Swiss levies, 2500 pioneers, and 1500 of 
his men-at-arms, "with a vast number of tents and 
pavilions and wagons to enclose all." This was to 
be a practical school for military training, a camp for 
war manoeuvres, and on June 2, 1481, the King was 
present at a splendid review, and remained on the 
spot for ten days to examine most minutely the order 

248 




a > 

> '2. 

> 2 

^- 

So 




GREAT CAMP FOR MANCEUVRES 

and organization of every branch of the service. We 
have no space to enter into all the details of this 
splendid military enterprise, but here every new in- 
vention in the way of arms and artillery was en- 
couraged, and we even notice a reward given for a 
machine meant to open secretly the gates of towns. 
But this great camp could not be maintained without 
enormous expense, computed at 1,500,000 Hvres a 
year ; and unfortunately very heavy and doubtless 
cruel taxes were needed to maintain it. Thus it was 
inevitable that every successful scheme for the protec- 
tion of his kingdom made the King more unpopular 
therein. 

A report spread to England that Calais was 
threatened by this great army, but Louis wrote to 
Lord Hastings bidding him reassure King Edward 
on the subject of his peaceful intentions. 



249 



CHAPTER XV 

1481-3 

Illness of Louis XI— Death of Marie of Burgundy 
— Many Letters of the King— Peace of Arras- 
Marguerite of Austria betrothed to the Dauphin 
AT Amboise — Anne of France, Wife of Pierre de 
Beaujeu, appointed Regent— Last Days of the King 
AT Plessis — Death of Louis XI — Contemporary 
Appreciations of his Character. 

In October, 1481, Louis XI had a second attack of 
apoplexy at Tours, which seemed more dangerous than 
the first, as for two hours he remained unconscious, and 
only gradually recovered his speech and the use of his 
faculties. When he was well enough to travel he went 
with his faithful Commines to the castle of Argenton, 
and afterwards to Thouars for January and February. 
But during this time the King received the ambas- 
sadors of Brittany and discussed their demands with 
his usual acuteness, granting them the salt dues and 
free passage of wine which they asked for. It is re- 
markable that these severe attacks of illness cause very 
little break in the King's constant letters on matters of 
policy, administration, and everything connected with 
the good of his kingdom. He is most urgent about the 
punctual payment of wages and of debts, various 
appointment to lay and clerical posts, the granting of 

250 



ILLNESS OF LOUIS XI 

privileges to towns and permission to have fairs and 
markets, the remission of taxes in many cases, a num- 
ber of pardons and remissions, often for offences 
against himself, and the request that lingering lawsuits, 
some of twenty, forty, or even sixty years, shall at once 
be brought to an end. One of these law-suits gives so 
curious a picture of the times that it is worthy of note, 
the more so as it brings into strong relief the King's 
earnest desire that absolute justice should be adminis- 
tered even in a case where his sympathy is evidently 
with the plaintiff. 

A certain Helene de Beaufort had been appointed 
Abbess of Leyme, a Cistercian convent for women, in 
1459, but after some time her position was contested by 
the nun Jeanne Baras and her sister Fine, assisted by 
their brother, the Abbe Deode Baras. There had been 
much actual fighting, the Abbey being taken again and 
again by armed bands ; furniture, jewels, and cattle 
had been pillaged, royal sergeants threatened with 
death, women and men, including the chaplain, cruelly 
ill-treated. This had gone on for years when the 
King writes to the Parlevient that he insists upon a 
" good and brief" settlement of the matter, that he may 
have no need to write again. ''Nostre bien amee 
Helene de Beaufort," plaintiff on the one side, and the 
sisters Fine and Jehanne with Deode Baras on the 
other as defendants, for rebellion, disobedience to the 
orders of the Court, etc. ''. . . lesquelz ne voulons 
demourer impugniz, se ainsi est que a la verite soient 
trouvez telz ; maiz voulons que par vous ilz soient cor- 
riges, selon ce que trouverrez la matiere disposee " 
(who are not to remain unpunished, if indeed such is 
found to he the truth; but we wish them to be corrected 

251 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

by you, according to how you find the matter really 
stands). 

This does not sound like the language of a despot, 
but rather of one whose sole aim is justice. There has 
been a rumour that Maximilian imitates the signature 
of Louis, and he gives the order on October 31, 1481, 
that in all matters of finance the signature of his secre- 
tary, Thomas Berbisey, shall also be attested. He will 
not be looked upon as a sick man, and on November 4, 
he announces : *' je m'en retourne prendre et tuer les 
sangliers, affin que je ne perde pas la saison, en atten- 
dant I'autre pour prendre et tuer les Anglois. . . ." 
The English were supposed to be projecting an 
invasion. 

As a personal matter, the King asks for a hat like the 
one the Bishop of Valence brought him from Rome. "II 
me semble qu'il estoit de poll autre que bievre . . . 
et couvroit toutes les espaulles et toute I'eschine jusques 
bien avant sur la croppe du cheval ; encore estoit il 
bien rebrasse devant et es coustes, et ne falloit point 
de manteau contre la pluye ; et aussi pour le chault, il 
valloit une petit maison. . . ." (It seems to me that it 
was of a skin different from beaver . . . and covered 
all the shoulders and all the backbone unto far down on 
the crupper of the horse, and was well turned up in 
front and at the sides, and one needed no mantle 
against the rain ; and also for the heat, it was worth a 
little house.) In April, Louis paid his promised 
pilgrimage to St. Claude, travelling across France and 
the duchy of Burgundy almost to the confines of 
Savoy. Here the King heard of the death of the 
young Duke Philibert of Savoy, who had not long 
survived his mother, Yolande of France, and he at 

252 



DEATH OF MARIE OF BURGUNDY 

once took steps to ensure the succession of Charles the 
next brother, a boy of fourteen. When Louis arrived 
at Beaujeu on his way home, he heard the news that 
Marie of Burgundy had died at Bruges in consequence 
of a fall from her horse. She left two young children, 
Philip and Marguerite, and the loss of his young wife, 
cut off in the flower of her age, was a deep and 
enduring grief to the Archduke Maximilian. ^ Political 
troubles were in store for him, as his children were in 
the power of the men of Ghent, who resolved to force 
him into peace with France, as thus they would remain 
free, his four-year-old son being their nominal ruler. 
Louis XI was quite willing to meet them half-way when 
they sent deputies to suggest the marriage of Made- 
moiselle Marguerite with the Dauphin, with some of 
the contested provinces as her dowry, thus making a 
permanent alliance between France and Flanders. 
Maximilian was scarcely consulted, as so far, Flanders 
and Brabant had not even acknowledged him as regent 
for his son. 

In the month of May this year, Louis had to mourn 
the death of his sister, Jeanne de France, Duchess of 
Bourbon, who was deeply lamented "for her great 
virtues and noble qualities. "The year 1482 was a 
disastrous one for the country, as an epidemic followed 
a great famine, and both harvest and vines had failed. 
There were also great floods ; the banks of the Loire 
were inundated, and other rivers, and Louis was so im- 
pressed with these ravages that he exempted from 
taxes all the neighbouring places. As his bodily 
strength declined, the King seemed to gain in moral 

^ For a full account see Marguerite of Austria, Christopher Hare, 
p. 18. 

253 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

energy ; never was he so full of anxious care about the 
most minute details of his Government. He writes to 
congratulate the governors of Provence and Burgundy 
on learning that brigandage had been put down in 
those provinces. He has constant letters to answer 
from abbeys, corporations, chapters, towns, etc., who 
apply for confirmation of the gifts they have received 
from him, probably as they fear that his life is drawing 
to a close. Louis appears to have been induced at this 
time to give William de la Marck the Boar of Ardennes, 
some help, which he soon withdrew on further acqaint- 
ance, and wrote to warn the Bishop and the states of 
Liege against him. Thus he was not responsible for La 
Marck's brutal murder of the Bishop some time later. 

When his sister-in-law, Bona of Savoy, was per- 
secuted by Lodovico Sforza, Louis used his influence 
to obtain permission for her to return to Milan, where 
negotiations were going on for her son's marriage. 
He was looked upon as a power in Italy, and always 
laboured for peace there. 

He knew that his days were numbered, and his 
great anxiety was to leave his young son secure of the 
throne after him. On September 21, 1482, he sum- 
moned a great assembly of nobles at Amboise, and 
presented to them the Dauphin of twelve, with a long 
address, in which, amongst many other things, he 
points out his own mistake in not having kept on his 
father's ministers, and he trusts that his son will learn 
wisdom from the misfortunes which followed those 
changes on his accession. Later Louis of Orleans was 
required to take a solemn oath of allegiance to the 
Dauphin, as though the King had a presentiment of 
future troubles. Meantime Maximilian was beginning 

254 



PEACE OF ARRAS 

to resign himself to the idea of the peace with France 
which the burghers so keenly desired, for there were 
troubles on every side, and he had neither money nor 
troops sufficient to protect the frontiers of the Nether- 
lands, and sustain a conflict with Guelders, and Utrecht 
which had rebelled against its Burgundian bishop. 
Since the end of the truce, the French army had taken 
Aire, invaded Luxemburg, and threatened St. Omer. 
In November negotiations began openly with Louis, 
and on December 23, 1482, the Peace of Arras was 
concluded by which the Dauphin was to marry little 
Marguerite of Austria, with the counties of Artois, 
Franche-Comte, Magon, and Auxerre, and the lord- 
ships of Salins, Bar-sur-Seine, and Noyers. After the 
treaty was signed the Flemish envoys attended a great 
service at Notre Dame in Paris, when the Te Deum 
was sung, and then went to Tours, where the King 
received them in a darkened room, but "death was 
written on his face, although he was clothed in ermine 
and velvet." 

Anne of France and her husband, the Lord of Beau- 
jeu, were commissioned to receive the little Princess, 
and they travelled to meet her at Hesdin, where she 
arrived in the care of her nurse, with a stately com- 
pany before the end of May, and after a magnificent 
reception in Paris, she was solemnly betrothed to the 
Dauphin at Amboise on June 23, 1483.^ There were 
splendid festivities in honour of this alliance which 
gave such an earnest of future peace, by order of the 
King, who could take no part in them, for in his sick 
chamber at Plessis-le-Tours, he knew that he was 
dying. 

' See Marguerite of Austria^ p. 22 (Christopher Hare). 
255 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

It was while arrangements were being made for this 
marriage that Edward IV had died somewhat suddenly 
on April 9, 1483 ; and his anger and disappointment at 
the slight to his own daughter are by some writers 
supposed to have hastened his death. Yet it is doubt- 
ful if there had been a formal engagement, and the 
English King had never been a faithful ally of Louis, 
always ready to help Brittany and Burgundy against 
him, and refusing him to the last the title of " King of 
France." But when Richard III had seized his nephews 
and usurped the throne of England, Louis refused to 
reply to his letters or receive his ambassadors. These 
events only deepened his own anxiety for the future of 
the young Dauphin, on whom all his hopes were fixed. 
The great aim of the dying King was to secure peace 
on all sides. He endeavoured to save the Chancellor 
of the Duke of Brittany, Guillaume Chauvin, and 
adopted his children, whom he brought up at Tours. 
On the death of his nephew, Fran9ois Phoebus, the 
King of Navarre, at the age of fifteen, he main- 
tained the rights of the young sister Catherine to 
succeed him ; this Princess, who married later Jean 
d'Albret, was the ancestress of Henry IV. Thus 
alike in Savoy and in Navarre, Louis protected the 
children of both his sisters. 

Rene of Lorraine was conciliated by the gift of 
several towns and was now on the most friendly terms; 
in Italy the influence of Louis was respected, and only 
Brittany remained full of intrigues and secretly hostile. 
Only recently, Duke Fran9ois, an old man now with 
two very young daughters by his second wife Mar- 
guerite of Foix, had wished to marry his eldest 
daughter Anne to the heir of Edward IV, and was 

256 





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MAXIMILIAN I 
After the painting by P P. Rubens 



To face p. 256 



THE KING'S LAST DAYS 

now seeking some other disturbing alliance. But 
Louis had gained the goodwill of the great nobles of 
Brittany. Pope Sixtus was completely reconciled and 
could refuse the King nothing. When Louis wished 
to have a visit from the saintly hermit Fran9ois 
de Paule, it was the Pope who persuaded him to leave 
his cell in Calabria, and he used his authority to per- 
suade the priors of St. Remy of Rheims to send the 
sick man the *'sainte ampoule" (miraculous oil), and 
also caused many other relics to be brought. Although 
the King's health grew worse, and he was so "thin 
and changed, a very skeleton," the stream of his 
letters remains as constant as ever. There was so 
much to do and so little time remaining to him. Again 
there are remissions, rewards, grants to towns of 
various privileges, fairs, and markets. Anne de 
Beaujeu and her husband are much with him and he 
likes them to take part in the government. He sends 
frequent offerings to churches and asks for the prayers 
of the faithful. 

Louis takes great pleasure in the simple piety of the 
hermit, and as he eats neither meat nor fish, the King 
writes to Languedoc on June 29: ''de lui envoyer pour 
le sainct homme des oranges douces et des poires mus- 
cadelles." He is no longer able to enjoy his favourite 
sport of hunting, but he still takes keen interest and 
pleasure in all kinds of birds and beasts, and he also 
tries to acclimatize foreign plants. He sends minute 
directions about his white peacocks, we hear of galleys 
coming to Provence with strange and savage beasts, 
amongst others, some lions no bigger than foxes which 
are called "adits." He has elks and reindeer sent from 
Sweden and Norway, and he is especially grateful to the 
s 257 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Duke of Ferrara for sending, at his request, ''a leopard 
which takes hares well," evidently one of those hunting 
leopards or cheetahs of which Lorenzo dei Medici was 
also so fond. Louis sends fine sporting dogs in ex- 
change, for he never could endure to receive a gift 
without making a suitable return. From his sick room 
he is still the absolute ruler of France, and woe to any 
one who thinks to take advantage of his infirmities. 
Thus the Archbishop of Tours, when he was asked to 
pray to God for the King's health, thought it a good 
opportunity to remonstrate against the taxes and inter- 
ference with prelates ; but he was at once told that 
'^il n'avoit que faire de s'en mesler plus avant. . . ." 
There is a coalition amongst the bakers in the south to 
sell the bread too dear, which he very promptly stops 
as well as various exactions of his officers. As late as 
the month of August, he renews his treaty with the 
Hansa League. Yet he appears to have submitted to 
much from the hands of his doctors, especially one, 
Jacques Coictier, who extorted from his master over 
50,000 crowns during the last five months of his life. 
With the eager desire of Louis to finish so many 
important works which he had begun, while he was 
watching death approach step by step, we do not 
wonder that he sent for musicians, "jouers de doux 
et bas instruments," to beguile the long hours of 
suffering and isolation. For in those latter days he 
was lonely indeed in that grim castle with its towers 
and moats, its strong defences, and the archers keep- 
ing watch and ward night and day, and only a few of 
his most intimate circle admitted to his presence. He 
could not forget how many violent deaths there had 
been of late amongst great princes ; yet after all, the 

258 



THE KING'S LAST DAYS 

protection of such a strongly guarded castle was not 
unusual in those days of feud and faction. 

The King's life was drawing to a close. On Mon- 
day, August 25, he had a third attack more violent 
than the others, and although he slowly recovered his 
faculties, he knew that the end had come, and sent at 
once for his son-in-law, Monseigneur de Bourbon. To 
him he solemnly entrusted the care of his son the 
Dauphin, who was at Amboise, sending him a special 
message, and giving further directions with regard to 
his attendants. He also sent all his falcons and his 
hunting establishment to Amboise, for he had now 
done with the things of this world. In looking back 
upon his past life, it struck him that he had perhaps 
abused his influence with Louis of Amboise to obtain 
his inheritance to the prejudice of his family, and that 
he had also possibly had no right to certain lands of 
La Tremoille. He therefore requested that his son 
should be asked to restore these possessions, and as 
Talmont had been given to Commines, he was to have 
2000 livres de rente instead. Legeay gives his authori- 
ties for believing that the King sent for the Queen his 
wife, his nearest kindred, and the Princes of the Blood, 
once more recommending to them the care of his son, 
and then with fresh hope and courage prepared for his 
end. 

When he was abruptly told that death was at hand, 
his reply was simple and full of trust: ''J'espere que 
Dieu m'aidera." ''He bore himself patiently and wisely 
to the last, never complaining, though his sufferings 
were great, and attending devoutly to the last offices 
of the Church," says one of his enemies. His mind 
was full of the "poor people of France," who had 

259 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

so much need of a good peace. It was on Saturday, 
August 30, 1483, between seven and eight in the even- 
ing, that Louis XI passed away with the closing words 
of the Te Deum on his lips: "Lord, in Thee have I 
trusted, let me never be confounded." He was sixty- 
one years of age, and had reigned for twenty-three 
years. 

The King was buried, as he had desired, at Notre 
Dame de Clery, where on his tomb was placed the 
monument for which he had given full directions more 
than a year before. He wished to be represented on 
his knees with clasped hands before the image of 
*' Notre Dame," the face to be a likeness, with the 
nose long and aquiline, wearing the collar of St. 
Michael and a sword, with his dog by his side. 

After reading the account of Louis XI's death, we 
cannot help feeling that he was strong in the convic- 
tion that he had fulfilled his mission as he understood 
it, and that until his last breath he was occupied with 
the destiny and prosperity of his country. A brave 
end may follow upon an evil life, as, for instance, 
during the brief excitement of a death upon the scaf- 
fold, conscious of the breathless interest of a gazing 
multitude. The supreme test is when man, in full and 
clear possession of his faculties, watches the slow 
approach of death on a bed of sickness. Then indeed 
is his inmost soul revealed, and the mask of dissimula- 
tion falls. 

It appears that for long after his death a very 
different opinion prevailed, with regard to Louis XI, 
from that to which we are accustomed. Thus, at the 
meeting of the deputies of France at the States- 
General, five months after his death, this was the strain 

260 



HIS CHARACTER 

in which Maitre Jean de Rely, Canon of Paris, the 
chosen orator, addressed the young King Charles and 
the great assembly: "Blessed be God who put this 
desire for concord in the heart of the King, your late 
father, who has thus left this kingdom in peace and in 
great union. Blessed may he be for having rooted out 
the causes from whence division could spring. The 
French people is bound to pray God for him, as he has 
left us the legacy of peace which our Lord gave to His 
disciples. . . . Having always before our eyes this 
great union in which he has left this kingdom, and the 
labour which he imposed upon himself all his life to 
attain it, do not let us be ungrateful. ..." 

He was even represented as a saint on the doorway 
of the church of the Carthusians at Tours, and with 
him were Louis IX, the Virgin, and the arms of 
France. Commines, who knew the King so intimately, 
writing his Memoirs in later days when flattery would 
be quite wasted, solemnly declares that *'God had 
created Louis XI wiser, more generous, more virtuous 
than other men, and that there were in him more 
qualities suitable to a king and a prince than in any 
others." Again: "o God alone belongs perfection; 
but when in one prince, virtue and good qualities far 
outweigh all faults, he is worthy of high memory and 
praise. ... I dare well say of him to his honour that 
it does not seem to me that I have ever known any 
prince who had fewer vices than he had. ..." In 
these words Commines possibly alludes to his own 
positive declaration that after the death of the 
Dauphin's infant son Joachim, in 1459, his moral 
character was without reproach. During the interval 
between his two marriages. Louis is believed to have 

261 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

had four illegitimate daughters ; three of them he 
acknowledged, and provided for with suitable mar- 
riages. 

His reign was a great contrast to that of his father 
Charles VII, for the French Court was in high repute 
and estimation, and the Queen, Charlotte of Savoy, was 
without a rival ; an unusual distinction for a royal lady 
of those days. She was a simple, pious woman, not 
very attractive or interesting, and although we find her 
present at great festivals and stately receptions, she 
preferred a quiet life at Amboise, where she spent most 
of her time in later years. There is evidence that the 
King frequently visited her there, from the headings 
of his edicts and letters, and she constantly accom- 
panied him in his frequent pilgrimages. When some 
of her subjects wished to make her a present after her 
own heart, they caused a beautiful and curious manu- 
script to be illuminated, showing the sanctuary of 
N6tre-Dame-du-Puy, and the pilgrimages which she 
had made there with the King {Bibliotheque Nationale^ 
No. 8004). 

The Queen did not long survive the loss of her 
husband ; she died on December i, 1483, at Amboise, 
and was buried by his side in N6tre-Dame-de-Clery. 
Her daughter Jeanne, the unfortunate wife of Louis 
d'Orleans, was with her during the last months of her 
life, and is specially mentioned in her mother's will, 
where we do not find the name of the great Anne of 
France. Possibly the Queen had less sympathy with 
her capable determined elder daughter, than with the 
gentle, saintly Jeanne. Amongst other personal pro- 
perty Charlotte left forty-seven dresses of satin, velvet, 
and cloth, many of them richly trimmed with pre- 

262 



HIS CHARACTER 

cious furs ; a quantity of valuable jewels and a fine 
library. 

A few more contemporary appreciations of the late 
King will be interesting. 

Commines esteems Louis XI to have been ''one of 
the three greatest men who have reigned for a hundred 
years." The other two were Mahomet II and Mathias 
Corvinus, King of Hungary. Curiously enough, 
Francis Bacon expresses the same opinion later in his 
eulogy of Henry VII, although he makes another 
selection, for he says: ''Louis XI, Ferdinando, and 
Henry may be esteemed the tres magi of kings of 
those ages." It may be well to give a few remarks of 
usually unfriendly historians. Thus Pierre Mathieu 
says: "In this prince, faith was without superstition 
or hypocrisy ; clemency without fear ; justice without 
cruelty ; prudence without cunning ; he was liberal 
without prodigality, skilful without artifice or dissimula- 
tion." Claude de Seyssel remarks: "Many of his 
contemporaries speak incessantly of this King, of his 
deeds and his sayings, and praise him up to the skies, 
saying that he was the wisest, the most powerful, the 
most generous, and the most fortunate King of France. 
. . ." Barante says: "That there was in him a 
savoir-faire, a knowledge of men and affairs, a pru- 
dence, an intelligence far above other princes, a genius 
capable of understanding everything." 

With regard to the keen intelligence of Louis there 
has never been any difference of opinion. The chief 
distractions of his exile as Dauphin at Genappe were 
literary. He joined the University of Louvain as an 
associated member, and there made the acquaintance 
of the learned Vasselius Gansfortius, whom he brought 

263 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

to Paris later. In those days of his poverty there was 
no sacrifice which he would not make to procure rare 
manuscripts, of which he had a splendid collection, 
and he was always ready to befriend the learned men 
who had recently been compelled to flee from Con- 
stantinople. In his home at Genappe he formed a 
small academy, where his friends and men of letters of 
his acquaintance met together to read out, each one in 
turn, amusing stories after the style of Boccaccio who 
was the fashion at that day. They were called the 
*' Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles," and were often burlesque 
and coarse, but very useful for the improvement of 
the French language, as was the later Heptameron of 
Marguerite of Valois which was not much more 
refined. 

It has been remarked that in the immense number of 
letters preserved, written by Louis XI, there is an 
elegance of expression which is not found in his con- 
temporaries. He dictated them himself to any notary's 
clerk who chanced to be at hand, for Brantome tells us 
that he did not always take a secretary about with him. 
Yet he certainly had an Italian secretary with him at 
Peronne. But the most interesting literary work of 
Louis XI was the Rosier des guerres^ which is the 
only part left to us of a great general history which 
he caused to be written for the instruction of his son, 
and of which much was his own work. He tells us 
that history is the most direct lesson for all, especially 
for kings. ''The record of things past is the most 
profitable, as well to console, advise, and comfort us 
against adversity, as to avoid the inconveniences before 
which others have fallen, and to encourage us to do 
well like the best. . . . For it is a great pleasure 

264 



HIS CHARACTER 

and pastime to recite past things ; to know how, in 
what manner and in what time, have befallen losses, 
conquests, and the taking of towns and countries. ..." 
Again he adds: *'The world teaches those who dwell 
in it by those who have left it ; death is a light 
thing to him who is certain that good will come to him 
afterwards. . . . The public matter is far above the 
individual interest by which often the public good is 
prevented. . . . When kings and princes have no 
regard to the law, they take away from the people that 
which they ought to have left ... in fact, they make 
the people serfs, and lose the title of king, for no one 
should be called king who does not reign over free 
men (Francs)." 

We must not omit to mention the material advan- 
tages which Louis XI procured for France. His great 
desire was to bring order into the finances, the army, 
and the navy of France, which he first created ; and 
to improve in every way the administration of justice. 
He devoted constant thought and labour to the ad- 
vancement of commerce and the establishment of new 
industries, such as silk and woollen manufacture, and 
we remember the encouragement which he gave to 
the planting of mulberry trees. The invention of the 
art of printing and the setting up of printing presses 
received from Louis the greatest encouragement ; one 
was set up at Metz, 147 1 ; Lyons, 1473 ; Angers, 1477 ; 
Poitiers, 1479 ; Caen, 1480 ; and Troyes, 1483. He 
delighted in the arts of painting and drawing which 
enriched the beautiful manuscripts of the time, and 
was a liberal patron to Jean Fouquet, who painted on 
wood as well as miniatures on parchment. A Floren- 
tine, Francesco Florio, a great admirer of Fouquet, 

265 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

speaks of Louis as ''justissimus princeps." He also 
spread the taste for music, by introducing organs into 
churches and monasteries. In the way of science he 
encouraged the serious study of surgery, and he gave 
every facility for the working of mines. He took great 
interest in the making of ports and harbours, and 
also the building of dykes and other public works. 
By his care the royal library was greatly increased ; he 
sought out learned men and encouraged them to come 
to his universities ; in short, we may say that he pre- 
pared the way for the French Renaissance of letters, of 
which perhaps Charles of Orleans and Villon were 
amongst the earlier poets. 

The Italian blood which Duke Charles had inherited 
from his mother, Valentine Visconti, mingled with the 
Valois strain, produced a gentle dreamy poet. Amongst 
the slight charming lines which he wrote, is one little- 
known rondel, which strikes a deeper note of pensive 
longing. It may have taken birth in his mind in the 
placid evening of his days as, with his gay retinue 
around him, he journeyed from one stately home to 
another. A fragment of the poet's work will tell us 
more than pages of description. 

En la forest de Longue Attente 
Chevauchant par divers sentiers, 
M'en voys, ceste ann^e pr^sente 
Ou voyage de Desiri^rs ! 
Devant sont allez mes fourriers 
Pour appareiller mon logfis, 
En la cit^ de Destin^e, 
Et pour mon cueur et moy ont pris 
L'ostellerie de Pensee. 

With regard to Villon, whose tuneful days ended at 
the accession of Louis XI, perhaps his masterpiece is 

266 



ART AND SCIENCE 

the well-known " Ballade des Dames du temps jadis," 
the long Roll-Call of Dead Ladies, with the haunting 
refrain — 

Mais oil sont les neiges d'antan ? (ante annum) 

Amongst prose writers of this reign, the historian, 
Philippe de Commines, Sire d'Argenton, has no rival. 
We have already alluded to the "Cent Nouvelles 
Nouvelles," to which Louis as Dauphin had himself 
contributed. 

The splendid gifts of the King to churches and { 
abbeys may have done much to encourage the ecclesi- 
astical architecture of the fifteenth century, which was / 
chiefly devoted to the beautifying and perfection of j 
buildings already in existence. Thus we note the 1 
splendid portal of Bayeux Cathedral, the nave of that 
of Troyes, Saint Ouen in the city of Rouen, Notre- 
Dame-de-Clery, and many other beautiful instances of 
carved work. But still more was done at this period 
in the way of civic architecture, when the watchful 
protection of Louis gave ample scope to the vigorous 
life and energy of the towns ; and everywhere the 
stately hotel-de-ville rose as an emblem of newly- 
born municipal power, as. for instance, at Compiegne, 
Douai, Bethune, St. Omer, Noyon, St. Quentin, 
Dreux, Orleans, Saumur, and Evreux. Such were the 
fruits of that growing peace and prosperity whose full 
harvest the King did not live to see. 



267 



CHAPTER XVI 

Review of the Life of Louis XI— Cause of his Un- 
popularity—Enmity OF THE BURGUNDIAN CHRONICLERS 
— Some Attempt to trace the Origin of the Evil 
Repute in which the King's Memory is held. 

We cannot close the story of Louis XI without some 
endeavour to trace the origin of the ** concert of male- 
dictions " which have assailed his memory in later 
days. Perhaps a remark of the Abbe Le Grand, who 
devoted a lifetime to the study of this period, may 
point out the primary cause of this reprobation. '* As 
it was needful for Louis XI, in order to establish law 
and order in the kingdom, to punish various great 
lords, even princes of the blood, such as the dukes 
of Alen9on and Bourbon — the King being also the 
persistent enemy of the great House of Burgundy — and 
as all these lords and princes had chroniclers in their 
pay, we cannot wonder that the King of France re- 
ceived from them the character of a sanguinary tyrant." 
We must also remember that, after Charles VIII, 
another branch of Valois succeeded to the throne in 
the person of Louis XII, who had a personal hatred 
for Louis XI, who carried out a policy in Italy abso- 
lutely opposed to his, and at the same time en- 
couraged an aristocratic reaction. 

Unfortunately for the King it was not only with 
the great nobles as a class that he was unpopular, 

268 



REVIEW OF HIS LIFE 

but also with the bourgeoisie of France, the mass 
of the common people for whom he had laboured 
and struggled all through his reign, and on whose 
behalf he had spent himself, lived a life of per- 
sonal poverty and sacrifice, and grown old before 
his time. They could not forgive him the heavy 
taxation, severely enforced, which was the inevitable 
price they had to pay for peaceful security in their 
lives and their homes, freedom from their oppressors 
the proud feudal lords, and equal justice for rich and 
poor. Men soon forget the sorrows of the past, and 
at the death of Louis it was almost a generation since 
the horrors of war had raged in their midst, and the 
unpaid mercenaries, the ^'ecorcheurs" ravaged all 
they held dear, looking upon it as their right to 
** manger le bonhomme." All this had become a dim 
memory of bygone days, while the hated collector of 
taxes was a grim reality in their midst. There was no 
glamour about King Louis XI to appeal to the im- 
agination of his subjects. He laboured so earnestly 
for peace, that they had no glorious victories to 
applaud, bought with the bitter payment of their blood 
and tears. The people had no gay and splendid Court 
to gape at and admire, very few costly entertainments, 
and no extravagance paid for by their labour. Homely 
in person and badly dressed, Louis, it was said, could 
not afford a new hat, but there was always money 
forthcoming for the good of the country. 

Before he came to the throne, while he still served 
his novitiate as Dauphin, his clear insight had con- 
vinced him that peace was the one thing absolutely 
needed for his distracted land ; and so great was his 
horror of war and the hopeless misery which it brings 

269 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

in its train, that he was always ready to avoid it by 
any sacrifice of mere money. To ensure peace it was 
needful to be strong, and for this purpose he gradually 
formed a splendid and powerful army, with the finest 
siege and field artillery in the world, and a navy which 
could hold its own against England and Holland. All 
the frontier towns were strongly fortified and provided 
with sufficient garrisons ; he had extended his borders 
where there was danger of invasion, and the great 
feudal lords had been compelled to acknowledge the im- 
mediate authority of the Crown. More than once he had 
bought the towns of the Somme in Picardy, and had 
at last regained them by force. The Duchy of Bur- 
gundy was united to France as well as Roussillon and 
Perpignan, which brought its defences down to the 
barrier range of the Pyrenees, while Provence, Anjou, 
and Maine were now incorporated in the kingdom. 
Such increase of strength was a magnificent guarantee 
for peace, but it was impossible that all this should 
have been accomplished without money, and for the 
most part the people of France were glad to enjoy 
the blessing of peace, but bitterly grudged the price. 
Had Louis XI lived a few more years, no doubt he 
would have greatly diminished the burden of taxation, 
as, unlike his inexperienced young son, he would 
never have wasted immense sums on a fruitless cam- 
paign in Italy. 

Having thus shown how Louis missed to a great 
extent the love of his people, we will consider the 
various chroniclers of his time, and the light in which 
they regarded him. We will take first the writers who 
dwelt at the Court of Burgundy, whose devotion to- 
wards the "great Duke of the West" caused them to 

270 



BURGUNDIAN CHRONICLERS 

find nothing worthy of praise which did not tend to his 
glory and honour. Georges Chastellain, Jean Molinet, 
Olivier de la Marche, Mathieu de Coucy, and Jacques 
Meyer were all in their way poets as well as historians. 
They were not only prepared to hate Louis XI as the 
enemy of their Duke Charles, but they could only 
despise a King who had no delight in tournaments and 
sumptuous festivals, and was like a simple bourgeois 
in his tastes. 

The Chronicles of Chastellain, written in grandilo- 
quent style, show constant enmity to Louis ; indeed, in 
his life of Duke Philip of Burgundy, Chastellain actu- 
ally hints that the Dauphin had sought to hasten his 
father's death by witchcraft ; and he never fails to 
repeat any calumny until, in 1475, his Chronicle is inter- 
rupted by death. Yet this author could write with 
charm and sympathy, as when he seeks to comfort 
Marguerite of Anjou by pointing out the heroic 
serenity of her father Rene . . . *'ne quelle mutation 
en as veu . . . parquoy sa vertu s'en trouve moins 
clere? . . ." 

Jean Molinet, Canon of Valenciennes and Librarian, 
later, of Marguerite of Austria, followed in the same 
line, and amongst other slighting remarks, taunted 
Louis XI by saying that ''he would rather lose 10,000 
ecus than one archer." Olivier de la Marche was the 
chamberlain of Charles the Bold, and his Memoirs 
cover the period from 1435 to 1492. Legeay points 
out that this man, who was employed by his master to 
kidnap Yolande of Savoy and her family, was not 
likely to have any scruples in his devotion to the cause 
of Charles and his hostility to all his enemies. Mathieu 
de Coucy and Jacques Meyer were both under Bur- 

271 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

gundian influence, and gave the blackest interpretation 
to every action of Louis. 

Duke Fran9ois of Brittany and Jean of Alen9on had 
also their historians, who were only too ready to repeat 
and believe any calumny against the suzerain who 
compelled their princes to submission. Thomas Basin, 
Bishop of Lisieux, is another writer whose career gives 
the key to his prejudiced account of Louis XL He 
strongly supported Charles of France in his rebellion 
against his brother, and aspired to rule both Nor- 
mandy and the young Duke, but when Charles lost 
his new duchy. Basin sought the favour of the King, 
who not only forgave him, but sent him to Per- 
pignan as Chancellor of Roussillon, and gave his 
brothers important posts. This was in 1648, but for 
some unexplained reason, possibly a quarrel with the 
Minister Balue, the Bishop forsook his see, and fled to 
Geneva, where he is said to have joined a conspiracy 
against France. In any case, Thomas Basin was 
henceforth the deadly enemy of the King, and in his 
learned Latin history of the reigns of Charles VII and 
Louis XI, he praises the father far beyond his deserts, 
while no words are strong enough for his execration 
and hatred for his late master, Louis. 

Robert Gaguin, General of the Mathurins, who made 
a failure of his mission to Burgundy in 1477, appears 
to take his revenge in attacks on Louis in his Latin 
works published after the King's death. On the other 
hand the Chronique Scandaleuse of Jean de Troyes was 
only scandalous in name, and he is a contemporary 
witness of great value. The fantastic title was chosen 
and a few imaginary anecdotes were inserted, most 
probably, to give the book the appearance of a 

272 




PHILIPPE DE COMMINES 

From an old print 



To face p. 272 



LATER HISTORIANS 

romance, as the writing of history was the exclusive 
privilege of a court chronicler. Of Philippe de Corn- 
mines, the true historian of this period, we will speak 
more fully later. 

So much for contemporary writers, but when we reach 
the reign of Louis XII, there was no surer way of gain- 
ing the favour of this King than by speaking evil of 
Louis XI. It was also necessary to prove that the mar- 
riage with Jeanne was by cruel compulsion, as Louis of 
Valois had determined to divorce her and marry Anne 
of Brittany. Claude de Seyssel, Bishop of Marseilles, 
undertook the task of justifying his patron, and in 
order to exalt Louis XII he has no scruple in depre- 
ciating all the most honoured names amongst former 
kings of France, and repeats every slander of earlier 
writers against Louis XI. As Etienne Pasquier says : 
"Claude de Seyssel a moins fait le panegyrique de 
Louis XII que la vie medisante de Louis XI." Other 
writers follow in his train, with endless calumny and 
satire. The Abbe le Grand remarks: ''It is on the 
partial testimony of these authors that an idea has 
been formed of the reign of Louis XI far removed 
from the truth. With constant ill-will they have dis- 
torted ... all his good deeds ; denied all his good 
qualities; and in exaggerating beyond measure all that 
might be found fault with in his character, in his 
appearance and his ' maniere d'etre,' they have made 
an odious and entirely conventional type, but contrary 
to the reality." Le Grand devoted his life to historical 
work, and his thirty-one volumes of Pieces^ still in 
MSS. in the Bibliotheque Nationale, have been most 
valuable to all students of this period. 

As time passed on, this tendency to romance became 
T 273 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

still stronger, for in the gay satirical Court of Francis 
I, it was much more entertaining to laugh at Louis XI 
than to examine the truth of every amusing story about 
him. The Sire de Brantome clearly saw this, and 
being also a champion of the aristocracy and well 
grounded in Burgundian chronicles, he followed the 
taste of the day, and delighted the Court and the 
town with his lively fictions; *' fables recueillies d'abord 
par un ennemi, puis, repandues par le conteur gas9on 
Brantome," as Michelet says. 

In the reign of Henry IV, Pierre Mathieu, historian 
and poet, received the command to write the King's 
life. " Compilateur mediocre, (plus sentencieux quel 
veridique," he had a sense of dramatic effect, and 
wanted a contrast to set off his master, and he there- 
fore chose Louis XI, repeating all the old calumnies in 
order to exalt the character of Henry IV. Andre 
Duchesne, selected by Richelieu as historiographer 
was one of the earliest writers to make a conscientious 
study of former history, and he certainly renders 
justice to Louis XL After this we have a succession 
of historians, Varillas, Mezeray, the President Henault, 
Daniel, Garnier, Duclos, and others, who all follow 
the line of least resistance, and for the most part take 
their account of Louis from the Burgundian chroniclers 
and their followers. The Academician Duclos worked 
to some extent from the MSS. of Le Grand, and his 
Preuves are his best works. 

A modern French writer is very indignant with Sir 
Walter Scott for holding up to ridicule and detestation 
a King of France in Quentin Durward; and he points 
out amongst other errors that Tristan I'Hermite, who 
had been Provost-Marshal of Charles VII and Louis XI, 

274 



BARANTE AND MICHELET 

died some years before the latter King, and had long 
previously resigned his office. But we are too grateful 
to the Wizard of the North for the pleasure he has 
given us, to expect from him historical accuracy. 
M. de Barante, who also wrote early in the last cen- 
tury, is a serious and important historian, but he writes 
the lives of the dukes of Burgundy, and possibly by 
the constant study of Burgundian chronicles, he be- 
comes imbued with their prejudices, although he con- 
tradicts some of the most atrocious calumnies against 
Louis, and says of him that "those who had lived in 
the confidence of the King were drawn to him in pro- 
found attachment and admiration." He also remarks 
that **one cannot refuse him the credit of having made 
the kingdom greater than ever, of having earned the 
respect of all Christendom, of having added to the 
crown Burgundy, Artois, Provence, Anjou, Bar, and 
Roussillon." Yet M. de Barante never forgave Louis 
for having been the enemy of Burgundy. 

Michelet is a name of great weight and importance, 
and he was a profound student of the fifteenth cen- 
tury. He was no flatterer of princes, but the passion- 
ate advocate of a martyred people, when he speaks of 
the towns of Flanders ruined and destroyed by the 
dukes of Burgundy. Can we ever forget that vivid, 
pathetic image of the weaver of Ghent starting forth 
from his dim workroom as the great bell Roland tolls 
to summon the metiers ; " I'ouvrier mystique, le 
lollard illumine, le tisserand visionnaire. . ." This 
picturesque historian does indeed dismiss as fables 
most of the horrible calumnies against the King, but 
if he had studied the royal letters he would have appre- 
ciated more the deep, unceasing love of Louis for his 

275 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

people — the bourgeois of the towns, the toiling mass 
of his poorest subjects — for whose sake, as Michelet 
owns, he "closed the barriers of France on every 
side and founded perpetual peace." 

To obtain a just estimate of Louis XI we must go 
back to the man who lived in his most intimate society, 
who knew him best and of whom Ronsard writes : — 

. . ni pour due ni pour roi 
II n'a voulu trahir d'historien la foi. 

From the time when Philippe de Commines fled 
from the Court of Burgundy to enter the service of 
Louis XI, he was a constant witness, keen, intelligent, 
and watchful, of every action of his master. He was 
no flattering court historian seeking to win favour 
from his sovereign, for his Memoirs were only written 
some years after the death of Louis, when he could look 
back without favour or prejudice upon the past. Com- 
paring him to Joinville, Sainte-Beuve speaks of him as 
a *'prud' homme." This word includes all the virtues, 
wisdom prudence, courage, skill . . . civil honesty, 
and "le comme il faut. ..." ''Good faith breathes 
in all that he tells us. This good faith is with him a 
kind of raciness which animates his words and always 
inspires him with the most truthful and picturesque 
expression. One feels that he would not lie even to 
increase our admiration for the hero whom he desires 
to make us love." 

Montaigne admires his simple, truthful narration, 
the authority and gravity with which he represents 
Louis, " de bon lieu, eleve aux grandes affaires." 
Sleidan, who translated the Memorres into Latin, holds 
Commines up as a model, "only praising those of his 

276 



MODERN HISTORIANS 

country and his prince as truth required." As we have 
already seen, Commines never swerves in his allegiance 
to the memory of Louis XI as a great and good man. 
He is not blind to any defects of his master, and he 
may be sometimes forgetful and inaccurate in small 
matters of detail, but the firm, undoubting estimate of 
his royal friend's character with him only became mel- 
lowed by time, and he gives us the solemn assurance 
that "he has never seen abetter prince." We are the 
more inclined to believe his testimony, as his Memoires 
were written at the request of Angelo Catho, Arch- 
bishop of Vienne, who had also known the King 
intimately and would be quick to notice any false 
appreciations. 

On modern writers concerning Louis XI it would be 
far beyond the scope of this work to dwell fully, but I 
feel sure that the recent publication, by the Societe 
Historique de France, of the Letters of Louis XI will 
have a great influence on the opinion of future his- 
torians. Kirk's History of Charles of Burguiidy is so 
well known from Freeman's Essay^ that I need only 
allude to it as an encyclopsedia of all that the chron- 
iclers of Burgundy have said in favour of Duke Charles 
and to the discredit of his enemy, Louis XI. 

But as the great archivist M. Etienne Charavay re- 
marks : ''To all these writers an indispensable element 
of information has been wanting : the correspondence 
of the man whose private and public life they were 
relating." 

Of the more recent school of French history, Urbain 
Legeay is the most thorough and scholarly in his 
massive work on the critical rehabilitation of his hero 
Louis XI, published in 1874. Professor of La 

277 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

Faculte des Lettres at the University of Grenoble for 
the greater part of his life, he devoted more than ten 
years of indefatigable study to the original documents 
relating to the history of the period. As he says in his 
Preface: ''Sans parti pris . . . apres avoir cherche 
dans des milliers de volumes, nous avons voulu etre 
juste pour Louis XI comme pour ses contemporains. 
II nous a semble que tout homme, fut-il roi, qui a fait 
ainsi, pour servir utilement sa patrie, le sacrifice des 
joies de la vie, meme de sa popularite, et s'est livre 
pour I'accomplissement du devoir au plus dur labeur, a 
droit a nos respects et a notre gratitude." (Without 
prejudice . . . after having searched through thou- 
sands of volumes, we desire to be just to Louis XI 
as to his contemporaries. It has seemed to us that any 
man, even if he were a king, who has thus made the 
sacrifice of all the joys of life, even of his popularity, to 
serve his country aright, and who to fulfil his duty has 
devoted himself to the hardest labour, has a right to 
our respect and our gratitude.) 

Legeay points out the previous deplorable condition 
of France: '* La noblesse ne se piquait que d'une 
valeur brutale et se croyait tout permis. Le soldat mal 
paye ne vivait que de brigandage. Le paysan n'etait 
point en surete dans sa maison. On ne pouvait 
marcher qu'arme. On n'entendait parler que d'assassi- 
nats, de violences de toutes sortes. ..." (The nobles 
only prided themselves on brutal valour, and thought 
all things permitted to them. The soldier, badly paid, 
only lived by brigandage. The peasant was not safe 
in his own house. One could not travel without being 
armed. Nothing was talked of but assassinations and 
violence of all sorts. . . .) 

278 



REACTION IN HIS FAVOUR 

Still fresh in the minds of men was the deplorable 
end of Jeanne d'Arc, of Jacques Coeur ; the death of 
Gilles de Bretagne; the conduct of Adolphe de Gueldres 
towards his father ; the atrocious cruelty of the dukes 
of Burgundy towards the town of Flanders which 
demanded too loudly their ancient privileges ; 
crimes, violence, and injustice on every side — 
an age of such brutality as in these milder days 
of rose-water methods we cannot possibly realize. 
'* Qu'on ne se s'etonne done pas que dans la justice du 
regne de Louis XI il y ait encore trace de se qui se 
passait avant lui. Ce qui doit etonner, au contraire, 
c'est le progres qu'il fit faire a la justice en respectant 
les formes et en proclamant I'inamovibilite des juges. 
N'a-t-il pas dit au parlement, par lettres patentes, 
de rendre bonne justice, nonobstant tout ecrit qu'on 
pourrait, par importunite, avoir obtenu de sa com- 
plaisance?" "A I'envisager au point de vue des 
interets materiels, en le voyant introduire en France 
tout ce qu'il peut rever d'arts utiles florissant ailleurs, 
abaisser toutes les entraves qui nuisent a la circulation 
interieure ou a I'exportation de tous les produits, creuser 
des ports, faciliter I'exploitation de nos mines, ameliorer 
les communications par terre et par eau, creer I'institu- 
tion des postes, encourager le travail par son exemple^ 
atteindre de son regard les actes les plus minutieux 
de I'administration, enfin stipuler dans ses traites la 
liberte la plus etendue meme au sein de la guerre, on 
ne peut s'empecher d'admirer cette activite si bien 
inspiree." (We should not be surprised that in the 
justice of the reign of Louis XI there is still some 
trace of what happened before his time. On the con- 
trary, that which should surprise us is the progress 

279 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

which justice made with him, for he caused its forms to 
be respected, and proclaimed the immovability of the 
judges. Has he not commanded the Parlenient, by 
letters patent, to render strict justice, notwithstanding 
any writing which might have been obtained by im- 
portunity, from his good-nature ? 

Looking at him from the point of view of material 
interests, seeing him introduce into France all that 
he can imagine of useful arts flourishing elsewhere, 
laying low all the obstacles which interfere with inter- 
nal circulation or the exportation of all products, 
making ports, aiding the working of mines, improving 
communication by land and water, creating a postal 
service, encouraging labour by his example, keeping a 
watchful eye upon the minutest acts of the administra- 
tion, finally stipulating in his treaties for the fullest 
liberty even in the midst of war — one cannot do other- 
wise than admire this activity so well inspired.) 

Such is the estimate of this earnest seeker after 
truth, who quotes M. Bardoux : " Ce fut done la un 
grand regne, prince deja moderne, il pense que les 
traites et les reglements valent mieux que les coups de 
lance." 

I cannot do better than end with the last word spoken 
oh the subject in England, on page 415 of the Cam- 
bridge Modem History, Vol. I, **The Reformation." 
" One figure stands out above all others, Louis XI, the 
only one who both reigned and governed. Whether 
we condemn or condone the remorseless vigour with 
which he pursued his public acts, whether we regret 
the absolute monarchy which he established, or accept 
it as the only possible salvation of France, we cannot 
deny to him the name of great. 

280 



HIS JUSTIFICATION 

*' Great he was in intellect and in tenacity of purpose, 
great in prosperity and even greater in misfortune. 
Whatsoever he did had its determined end, and that 
end was the greatness of France. 

"The universal condemnation which he has incurred 
may be ascribed chiefly to two causes : the unrelenting 
sternness with which he visited treachery in the great, 
and the severity of the taxation which he found it 
necessary to impose. The world was shocked by the 
fate of Jean d'Armagnac, Jacques de Nemours, Louis 
de St. Pol, Cardinal Balue, and by the cynical methods 
which achieved their ruin. Looking back without 
passion, we pronounce their sentence just. The burden 
of taxes was cruel, and the stories we read in Brantome 
and elsewhere . . . are probably not without founda- 
tion. These methods may be supposed to have been 
required to bring the enormous taxes in. . . . 

" In the struggle for life and death in which France 
was engaged, those taxes and perhaps those executions 
saved her ; the King's crimes were national crimes, 
and national crimes are not to be judged by the 
standards of domestic morality. The France of Louis 
XII is the justification of Louis XI." ^ 

^ Stanley Leathes, M.A. 



281 



SOME BOOKS OF REFERENCE AND 
OTHERS MENTIONED 

Academic Roy ale de Savoie. Yolande de France. 1859. 
AUard, Guy. Dictionnaire du Dauphitie. H. Gariel, 1864. 
Art de verifier les Dates. 2nd part. 
Barante, de. Histoire des Djics de Bourgogne. Bruxelles, 

1838. 2 vols. 
Basin, Thomas. De rebus . . . MSS. Bibliotheque Na- 

tionale. Charles VII and Louis XI. 
Bouchet, Jean. Annates d''Aquitaine et de Poitou. 1524. 
Brantome, Pierre de. CEuvres. Various editions. 
Carne, de. Les fondateurs de l^unite frangaise. 1856. 2 

vols. 
Ce7it notivelles nouvelles. Edition of Leroux. 1841. 
Chartier, Alain. Histoire nieniorahle de ce royaume sous 

Charles VII. 

Les CEuvres du inaistre. Paris. 1617. 

Chastellain, Georges. Chronique des Dues de Bourgogne. 

1825. 
Clement, P. Jacques Coettr et diaries VII. 
Craufurd, Quit. Notice sur Agnes Sorel. i8ig. 
Commines, Philippe de. Memoires. Annotated by Mile. 

Dupont. 1850. 3 vols. 
Croy, Comte de. Louis XI et le Plessis. 
Duclos. Histoire de Louis XI. 1745. 4 vols. 
Epithome hystoriel de Frajice^ containing" ** Le Rosier des 

Guerres." Paris. 1522. 
Dumesnil, A. Le regne de Louis XL Paris. 181 1. 

283 



BOOKS OF REFERENCE 

Gairdner, James. The Hoiises of Lancaster and York. 1881. 
Gaudefroy. Etudes Historiques. "Louis XI." Paris, i860. 
Godefroi, Thomas. Histoire d'Artus III^ Due de Bretagne. 

Jean de Troyes. Chronique Scandaleuse. 1460-83. (Col- 

(lection Petitot.) 
Chrontques du tres-chretien et tres victorieux Louis de 

Valois. 
Kirk, J. F. History of Charles of Burgundy. 3 vols. 1863. 
Lecoy de la Marche. Le Roi Rene le Bon. 
Le Grand (I'Abb^ Joachim). Vie et histoire de Louis XL 

31 vols, de Piece. MSS. Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Leg^ay, Urbain. Histoire de Louis XL. Paris. 1874. 2 

vols. 
Maulde de la Clavi^re. Jeanne de France. Paris. 1883. 
Martin, Henri. Histoire de France. Vols. VI and VII. 
Matthieu, Pierre. Histoire de Louis XL 1610. 
Menhabrea, Leon. Chronique de Yolande de France. 
Michelet, Jules. Histoire de France. Vols. IV, V, and VI. 

^835. 
Molinet, Jean. Chroniqtie. 3 vols. Ed. 1826. 
Olivier de la Marche. Memoires. (Collection Petitot.) 
Salmon. Recueil des chroniques de Touraine. Tours. 1847. 
Seyssel, Claude de. Histoire de Louis XLL. 1508. 
Soci^t^ Historique de France. Letters of Louis XL. g vols. 

1883-1905. 
Thierry, Augustin. Histoire de la formation du tiers etat. 

1853. 

Tuetay, Alexandre. Les Acorcheurs sous Charles VLL. 1874. 

Journal d ^un bourgeois de Paris sous Charles VLL. 

4 vols. 

Vallet de Viri villa. Histoire de Charles VLL. 1865. 3 vols. 

Willert, P. J. The Reign of Louis XL. (Historical Hand- 
books.) 1876. 

284 



INDEX 



Abbeville, 88, 93, 100, 106, 125, 160, 170, 209, 230, 239 

Adolphe of Cleves, 234 

Agincourt, 8, 29, 30, 98 

Agnes Sorel, 9, 50, 52, 53, 54, 58 

Aire, 255 

Alain Chartier. See Chartier 

Albi, Bishop of, 244 

Albret, 74 

Alengon, 140 

Alengon, Jean, Duke of, 6, 8, 33, 7% 75, 102, 139, 140, 189, 215, 268, 

272 
Alfonso, King of Naples, 78 
Allier, 102 
Alnwick, 83 
Alps, 117 

Alsace, 39, 40, 186, 198, 199, 202, 203 
Amboise, 72, 82, 105, 118, 119, 145, 159, 160, 164, 168, 176, 192, 245, 

254, 255, 257, 262 
Amedde IX, Duke of Savoy, 50, 51, 56, 89, 118, 147, 148 
Amiens, 93, 100, 109, 125, 160, 170, 171, 172, 180, 182, 208, 212, 214 
Ancenis, 146, 149, 185 
Angers, 3, 81, 164, 179, 221, 232, 265 
Anjou, 4, 52, 74, 134, 146, 221, 270, 275 
„ Marguerite of. See Marguerite 
Anna Sforza, 247 
Anne of France, daughter of Louis XI, 77, 118, 170, 178, 186, 190, 

191, 192, 255, 257, 262, 273 
Anne of Brittany, 195, 256 

Anne de Lusignan, Queen of Cyprus, Duchess of Savoy, 56, 76, 88, 89 

285 



INDEX 

Anne Neville, daughter of Earl of Warwick, 164 

Antoine de Chabannes. See Dammartin 

Antwerp, 131, t66 

Aragon, 16, 63, 87, 134, 170, 189, 196 

Argenton, 250 

Arleux, 103 

Armagnac, Jean V, Count of, 31, 43, 73, 74, 108, 110, 162, 188 

Arnon (River), 193 

Arnolfini, John (of Lucca), 66 

Arras, 16, 17, 71, 209, 230, 234, 235, 236, 237 

„ Treaty of, 90, 237, 255 
Aries, 2 

Artois, 74, 207, 237, 255, 275 
Asti, 88 

Auvwgne, 102, no 
Auxerre, 17, 100, 244, 255 
Avesnes, 238 
Avranches, 114 
Aymar de Poysieu (Cadorat), 82 

Balue, Cardinal, Bishop of Angers, 102, 131, 138, 142, 145, 146, 150, 

151, 159, 160, 247 
Bamborough, 83 

Bar, Duchy of, 75, 84, 134, 246, 275 
Bar-sur-Seine, 255 
Barbary, 245 

Barcelona, 79, 84, 85, 87, 135, 137, 169 
Barnet, battle of, 172 
Basel, 38, 226 

Basin, Thomas, Bishop of Lisieux, 70, 114, 126, 272 
Bayeux, 114, 139, 146, 267 
Bayonne, 80, 84, 86, 87 88, 89 
Beaucaire, 29, 58 
Beaufort, Cardinal, 29, 43 

Beaujeu, Pierre Lord of, Mons. de Bourbon, 84, 151, 178, 188, 190, 
191, 255, 257, 259, 273 

„ Anne de. See Anne de France 

Beautd-sur-Marne, 53, 106 
Beauvais, 105, in, 171, 172, 180, 183, 184, 208 

286 



INDEX 

Bedford, John, Duke of, 6, 7, 14, 15, 16, 17, 27 
Bern, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 219, 221, 222, 224 
Bdrault, 162 
Berry, County of, 4, 7, 73, 102, 116, 192 

„ Charles, Duke of, See Charles of France 
Besangon, 217, 242 
Bidassoa, 87 

Blanche of Navarre, 79, 80 
Blois, 32, 75, 98 
Bologna, 117 

Bona of Savoy, 94, 139, MS, M6, 232, 233, 247, 254 
Bordeaux, 57, 80, 81, 84, 86, 87, 176 
Bouchain, 238 
Boulogne, 96, 109, 235 

Bourbon, Jean II, Duke of, 33, 75, 87, 95, 96, 100, 102, 104, 108, no, 
151, 172, 268 

„ Agnes, Duchess of, 103 

„ Louis of, 113 

„ Marie of, 169 
Bourges, i, 5, 58, loi, 193, 204, 205, 214 
Bouvines, 123, 124, 129 
Brabant, 62, 74, 120, 122, 253 
Brai, 103 

Bresse, Philippe of, 88, 90, 147, 175, 196 
Brdzd, Jean de, 18 

„ Pierre de, 18, 54, 58, 72, 106, 108, 116 
Brie, 192 

Bruges, 66, 83, 129, 130, 137, 143, 144, 207, 253 
Brussels, 61, 131 

Burgundy, 74, 102, in, 123, 125, 137, 138, 146, 256, 268, 275 
Bussy, Oudart de, 236 

Caen, 108, n4, 139, 146, 265 

Calabria, Jean de. See Jean 

Calais, 82, 163, 208, 209, 210, 214, 249 

Cambray, 156, 238, 241, 242 

Campo Basso, Count of, 201, 202, 227 

Carlos, Prince of Viana, 65, 78, 87, 137, 169 

Castile, 16, 62, 85, 87, 169, 203 

287 



INDEX 

Catalonia, 78, 79, 80, 84, 85, 87, 134, 136, 146, 169 

Catherine, daughter of Jean sans peur, 2 

Catherine of Foix, 169, 256 

Catherine of France, daughter of Charles VI, 4 

Catherine, daughter of Charles VII, first wife of Charles of Burgundy, 

17,51 
Caux, 125 

Cerdagne, 80, 84, 196, 204 
Chabannes, Antoine and Jaques de, 18, 33 
Chalons-sur-Marne, 46, 47, 48 
Chamb^ry, 56, 89 
Champagne, 116, 120, 160 
Chantoc^, 146, 185 
Charles the Bold, Count of Charolois, Duke of Burgundy, 64, 70, 72, 

73, 90, 92, 93, 95, loi, 103-113, 115, 120, 122, 124, 125, 127, 129, 

134, ^37, 139, 143, H7, 149-159, 162, 166, 169, 170, 172, 177-182, 

184-189, 197-208, 210-231, 271 
Charles VI of France, 3, 4, 5 
Charles VII „ 1-19, 25-28, 37, 39, 41, 44, 65, 68, 69, 76, 122, 

141, 262 
Charles of France, brother of Louis XI, Duke of Berry, Duke of 

Guienne, 65, 73, 87, 96, 99, 100, 102, 104, 106, 108, 109, 113, 115, 

140, 143, 146, 160, 161, 162, 168, 172, 174, 175, 177, 178, 188, 
Charles, Dauphin (afterwards Charles VIII), 164, 212, 245, 247, 253, 

254, 256 
Charles, Duke of Orleans, 29, 30, 31, 32, 44, 55, 75, 88, 95, 96, 97, 98, 

192, 266 
Charlotte of Savoy, wife of Louis XI, 56, 61, 62, 64, 65, 70, 82, 88, 94, 

95, 116, 138, 145, 162, 164, 192, 194, 24s, 248, 262 
Chartier, Alain, 10, 20, 49 
Chartres, 90, 114, 137, 140 
Chastellain, 5, 69, 271 
Chiteau-Thierry, 15, 70 
Chaumont, 116 
Chauvin, Guillaume, 256 
Chinon, 11, 247 
Chios, 59, 117 
Clarence, Duke of, 163, 164 
Coeur, Jaques. See Jaques Coeur 

288 



INDEX 

CoUioure, 195 

Colmar, 198 

Cologne, 123, 201, 205, 206, 207, 216 

Comminges, 75, 87, 102 

Commines, Philip de, 25, 92, 106, 108, 129, 146, 152, 155, 157, 158, 159, 

166, 181, 184, 185, 207, 210, 211, 229, 243, 248, 250, 257, 261, 263, 

267, 276, 277 
Compiegne, 15, 155, 180 

Conflans, Treaty of, 109, in, 112, 116, 120, 155 |» 

Corbeil, 52, 105 
Corbie, 208 
Coutances, 114, 146 
Coventry, 163 

Craon, George, Lord of, 230 
Cravant, 6 
Crdcy, 15 

Cr^vecceur, Philippe de, 103, 180, 230, 248 
Croisy-sur-Andelle, 208 

Croy, Antoine and Jean de, 72, 73, 90, 91, 92, 93 
Cyprus, 16 

Dambach, 38 

Dammartin, Count of, 54, 58, 59, 68, 86, 101, no, 131, 146, 150, 154, 

155, 156, 168, 170, 171, 177, 179, 182, 237, 238, 240, 242 
Damme (town near Bruges), 144 
Dartmouth, 164 

Dauphin of France, afterwards Charles VIII. See Charles VIII 
Dauphind, 27, 50, 54, 57, 59, 63, 70, 104, n7, 193 
De Lannoy, Raoul, 238 
Denmark, 16, 195 
Dieppe, 36, 93, 184, 209 
Diessbach, Nicolas of, 202 
Dijon, 229, 231, 244 

Dinant, 116, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 134, 205, 229, 237 
Dole, 242 
Domrdmy, 14 
D'Oriole, Pierre, 188, 212 
Dover, 210 
Dreux, 22 

u 289 



INDEX 

Dumbarton, 23 

Dunois, Count of, 6, 18, 87, 96, 102, no, 151 

Edward IV, King of England, 81, 82, 83, 84, 92, 94, 95, 125, 137, 143, 
163, 166, 172, 173, 174, 195, 206, 208, 209, 211, 212, 213, 214, 222, 
230, 241, 247, 249, 256 

Edward, the Prince of Wales, son of Marguerite of Anjou, 163, 164, 
165, 173. 256 

Egypt, 58 

Eleanor of Scotland, 198 

Elizabeth, Princess, daughter of Edward IV, 212, 213, 230, 247 

Elne, 203 

England, 16, 20, 23, 75, 83, 85,92,94, 137, 138, 163, 166, 174, 241, 256, 270 

Enrique IV, of Castile, 23, 79, 85, 87, 169, 203 

Ensisheim, 38, 39, 40, 199 

Erft, 201 

Estavayer, 217 

Etampes, 107, no 

Eu, town of, 118, 184 

Eu, Charles d'Artois, Count of, 141 

Eugenius IV, Pope, 16, 50 

Evreux, 106, 212 

FaSTOLF, Sir John, 8, 9 

Felsburg, 202 

Ferdinand I (or Ferrante), King of Naples, 'JT^ 78, 87 

Ferdinand of Aragon, 80, no, 136, 137, 168, 203 

Ferrara, 117 

Ferrara, Marquess of, 78, 242, 258 

Flanders, 74, 130, 226, 234, 245, 253, 279 

Flemings, 243 

Florence, 88, 117, 342 

Foix, Gaston de, 79 

„ Jean, Count of, 75, 79, 84, 85, 87, 96, 102, 142, 156 

„ L^onore de, 87 
Franche-Comt^, 74, 216, 224 
Frankfort, 198 

Francois, Duke of Brittany, 92, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 102, 104, 106, no, 

n3, n4, 140, 142, 146, 149, 160, 185, 186, 233, 241, 256, 274 

290 



INDEX 

Francis I, King of France, 53, 89, 175 

Frangois de Paule, 273 

Frangois Phcebus, 169, 256 

Frederic!, ill, Emperor, 38, 187, 188, 202, 206, 216 

Galeazzo, Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan. See Sforza 

Gascony, 163 

Gaston de Foix, Prince of Viana, 51, 87, 136, 169 

G^nappe, 61, 63, 66, 76, 190, 263, 264 

Geneva, 88, 138, 224, 274 

Genoa, 88, 140 

George Castriot, 87 

Germany, 197 

Gerona, 84, 136 

Gex, 222, 224 

Ghent, 32, 121, 130, 131, 174, 231, 234, 239, 240, 253, 275 

Giuliano dei Medici. See Medici 

Glarus, 197 

Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, 29 

„ Richard of York, Duke of, 166. 

Gorcum in Holland, 90, 92 
Granson, 218, 219, 220 
Greece, 71 
Grenoble, 61, 175 
Guelders, 170, 186, 239, 255 

„ Adolphus, Duk-e of, 239 
Gummingen, 223 

Guienne, duchy of, 5, 57, 75) 86, 102, 108, 156, 160, 161, 174 
Guienne, Duke of, Charles of France. See Charles 
Guinegaste, 243 

Hagenbac, HPierre de, 198, 199 

Hague, The, 166 

Hainault, 74, 120, 238 

Hansa League, 195, 201, 258 

Harfleur, 138, 214 

Hastings, William, Lord, 166, 249 

Heinsberg, Jean de (Bishop of Li^ge), 123, 124 

Henry IV, King of England, 21 

291 



INDEX 

Henry V, King of England, 4, 5, 21, 22 

Henry VI, King of England, 15, 17, 29, 35, 43, 46, 82, 163, 166, 167, 

' 172, 173 
Herrings, battle of, 8 ' 

Hesdin, 91, 92, 209, 235, 236, 255 
Hesse, Landgrave of, 201 
Holland, 74, 245, 260 
Honfleur, 106 
Hugenot, Guillaume, 234 

Humbercourt, Guy de Brimeu, Lord of, 151, 152, 156, 234 
Huy, 123, 131 

Isabel of Castile, 136, 168, 242 

Isabel of Portugal (wife of Philip of Burgundy), 47, 61 

Isabelle of Bavaria (mother of Charles VII), 3, 4, 17, 18 

Isabelle of Bourbon (second wife of Charles of Burgundy), 64, 70 

Isabelle of Lorraine (first wife of King Ren^), 53, 187, 190 

Isle de France, no 

Issoudun, 54, 214 

Italy, 58, 71, 87, 88, 242, 254, 256 

Jacqueline de Croy, 226 

Jacques Coictier, 258 

Jacques Coeur, 18, 58, 59, 66, 279 

James I, of Scotland, 20, 23, 26, 30, 31 

Jane Beaufort (Lady), 20, 22 

Jargeau, 14, 191 

Jeanne d'Arc, ir, 12, 13, 14, 15, 279 

Jeanne, Duchess of Bourbon, 164, 253 

Jeanne de France (daughter of Louis XI), Duchess of Orleans (wife of 

Louis XII), 51, 95, 100, 192, 193, 194, 195, 262 
Jeanne de Laval (second wife of King Rend), 190, 246 
Jean II, Duke of Bourbon, 100 
Jean sans Peur, Duke of Burgundy, 2, 4, 30 
Jean Fouquet, 263 
Jean of Calabria (son of King Rend), 76, jj, 78, 87, 102, 107, 109, 118, 

134, 137, 146, 156, 169 
Jerusalem, 52, 136 
Juan I, of Aragon, 134 

292 



INDEX 

Juan II, King of Aragon, 78, 80, 84, 85, 87, 136, 137, 169, 196, 202, 204 

Juana, Queen of Aragon, 84, 136, 137 

Juana la Beltraneja, 169 

Julius II, Pope, 246 

Jura, 217 

Juvenal des Urselins, Chancellor, 188 

Kirkcudbright, 82 

Lagny, 105 

La Hire, 6, 7, 18 

Laon, 156 

La Rochelle, 23, 86, 161 

Langres, 131, 230 

Languedoc, 27, 28, 29, 32, 257 

Lascaris, 145 

La Trdmouille, g, 16, 259 

Laupen, 223 

Lecturne, 188 

Le Quesnoy, 238 

Lescun, Odet, Lord of, i86 

Le Glorieux, Jester, 208 

Lidge, III, 112, 113, 116, I20, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 131, 

132, 133, 151, 152, 154-158, 229, 237, 254 
Li^ge, Bishop of (Louis de Bourbon), 122, 123, 126, 127, 131, 151, 152, 

154. 157 
Lille, 92 
Limousin, 84 
Loches, 54, 73, 90 
Lorenzo dei Medici, 242, 248 
Lorraine, 6t, 75, 187, 199, 211, 214, 216, 225 
Lorraine, Rend II, Duke of. See Rene 
Louis II, Duke of Anjou, 2, 4 
Louis, Duke of Orleans, 30 
Louis XII, 32, 95, 98, 192, 194, 233, 254, 262 
Louis I, Duke of Savoy, 56, 88, 89, 94, 118 
Louise of Savoy, 89, 175, 244 
Louvain, 61, 132 
Louviers, 114 

«93 



INDEX 

Lodovico Sforza, 145, 232, 254 

Loire, 5, 6, 98, 116, 186 

London, 46 

Luxembourg, 61, 74, 255 

Luzem, 197, 202 

Lynn, 166 

Lyonnais, 104 

Lyons, 71, 100, 105, 106, 114, 125, 138, 141, 159, 265 

Macon, 17 

Madeleine of France, sister of Louis XI, 51, 79, 169 

Maine, 4, 6, 52, 74, 270 

Maine, Charles, Count of, 84, 96, 102, u6, 221, 246 

Malines, 131 

Mantes, 139 

Mai|tua, 117 

Marck, Guillaume de la, the Wild Boar of Ardennes, 254 

Margaret, daughter of James I of Scotland, wife of Louis XI, 22, 23, 

24, 25, 32, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 19S 
Margaret of York, third wife of Charles of Burgundy, 125, 137, 143, 

144, 208, 210, 235, 241 
Marguerite of Anjou, wife of Henry VI, 35, 43, 44, 45, 46, 81, 82, 83, 

84, 163, 168, 170, 172, 173, 190, 213, 221, 237, 271 
Marguerite of Austria, 90, 175, 253, 254 
Marguerite of Bourbon, 90, 175 
Marie of Anjou, mother of Louis XI, i, 2, 3, 9, 24, 44, 51, 52, 53, 64, 

72,86 
Marie, Duchess of Burgundy, 64, 113, 130, 145, 174, 186, 187,217, 

230, 231, 234, 235, 236, 239, 253 
Marie of Cleves, wife of Charles of Orleans, 32, 95, 194 
Martin the Humane, of Aragon, 134 
Mauleon de Soule, 79 
Maximilian I of Austria, 174, 189, 217, 239, 240, 241, 242, 247, 252, 

253, 254 
Mayence, 205 
Meaux, 71 
Medici, Guiliano dei, 242 

„ Lorenzo dei. See Lorenzo 
Mehun-sur-Yevre, 69 

294 



INDEX 

M^lun, 52, 83 

„ Charles de, 102, 104, 116, 147 
Mesnil, 54 

Metz, no, 186, 187, 265 
Meuse, 123, 129 

Milan, 30, 60, 63, 78, 104, 117, 199, 223, 242, 254 
Molinet, 271 
Monstrelet, 24 

Mont St. Michel, 139, 165, 195 
Montargis, 6, 7 
Montbdliard, 39 

Montdidier, 17, 93, 103, 109, 179, 180, 208 
Montereau, 27 
Montfort, no 

Montl'h^ry, 97, 104, 106, loS, n6, 172, 243 
Montpellier, 58 
Morat, 217, 221, 222, 225 
Morvelliers, Pierre de, 72, 92, 93 
Moselle, 188 
Mouzon, 109 
Muhlhausen, 198 
Munster, Bishop of, 206 

NAMUR, 120, 122, 123, 127, 156 

Nancy, 118, 186, 216, 217, 226, 227, 232 

Naples, 16, 76, ^^, 78, 134, 189, 241, 242, 245 

Narbonne, 84, 86, 92 

Navarre, 16, 78, 79, 80, 256 

Nemours, Jacques d'Armagnac, Duke of, 75, 86, 102, 108, 1 10, 1 16, 240 

Nesle, 103, 178, 237 

Netherlands, 166, 255 

Neufchatel, 109, 218, 219, 222 

Neuss, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 216 

Nevers, Jean, Count of, 96, in, 142 

Nicholas of Lorraine (or Calabria), TJ^ 118, 169, 172, 174, 186, 187, 

189, 190 
Nogent-le-Roi, 95, 192 
Normandy, 46, 57, 75, 105, 107, 108, ni, n3, 114, n5, n6, 142, 162, 

182, 208, 209, 247 

295 



INDEX 

Northumberland, 83 
Norway, 257 
Novalese, 117 
Noyers, 255 
Noyon, 151, 159, 181 

Odet d'Aidie, sir de Lescun, 100, loi, 161, 176 

Oise, 104, 181 

Olivier de la Marche, 224 

Olivier le Daim, 237 

Orange, Guillaume VII, Prince of, 217 

„ Jean II, Prince of, 230, 240, 242 
Orleans, 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 16, 28, 113, 114, 116, 175, 182, 214, 242 
Orleans, Charles of. See Charles 
Otranto, 246 

Paris, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 32, 71, 91,93, 96, 103, 104, 105, 106, no, 122, 

138, 161, 176, 182, 187, 232, 247, 255 
Patay, battle of, 8, 14 
Paul II, Pope, ]i8, 157, 175 
Pazzi, family of, 242 
Pecquigny, treaty of, 214 
Pembroke, Lord Herbert, Earl of, 163 

Peronne, 17, 109, in, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 185, 188, 230, 233 
Perpignan, 85, 196, 203, 204, 270, 272 

„ Treaty of, 196 

Philibert le Beau, of Savoy, 90, 174, 175 
Philippe (son of Maximilian), 253 
Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, 4, 15, 16, 17, 31, 37, 47, 48, 61, 

62, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 89, 90, 91, 93, 96, loi, 103, ni, 

112, n3, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 137 
Phoebus (on Hunting), 63 
Picardy, 91, 113, 170, 175, 207, 216, 270 
Piedmont, 89, 142, 175 
Pius II, Pope, 76, T]^ 87, 91 
Plessis du Pare, 229 
Plessis les Tours, 162, 255 
Poitiers, 86, 105, 141, 232 
Poitiers, battle of, 74, 99, 214, 265 

296 



INDEX 

Poitou, 4, 7, 27, 86, 108, 116, 146 

Pont de C6, 185 

Poland, 16 

Pontailier, 216, 225 

Pont de I'Arche, 248 

Ponthieu, county of, 3, 4, 109, 125, 230 

Pontoise, 108 

Portugal, 16 

" Pragmatic Sanction," 76, 77, 138 

Provence, 4, 75, 88, 134, 220, 221, 246, 257, 270 

„ Duke of. Rend. See Rene 
Pyrenees, 3, 75, 84, 270 

Ravestein, Philip of, 235 

Rely, Jean de, 261 

Rend of Anjou, King of Sicily, 2, 32, 43, 44, 45, 46, 53, 76, 78, 96, 97, 

98, 107, 116, 118, 134, 135, 136, 142, 162, 164, 170, 189, 190, 220, 

221, 246, 271 
Rend, Count de la Puche, 1 89 

Rend de Vaudemont et Lorraine, 187, 221, 222, 225, 226, 227, 228, 256 
Rheims, 11, 12, 13, 23, 37, 70, 71, 100, 106, 190, 211, 239 
Rhine, 201 

Richard III of England, 256 
Richemont, Arthur de, 9, 16, 17, 18, 19 
Rivers, Lord, 163, 166, 206, 222 
Rodez, 140 

Rome, 75, 76, 164, 247 
Romont, Count of, 217 
Rosas, 136 

Rouhault, Joachim, 104, 182 

Rouen, 18, 83, 84, 108, 113, 115, 116, 125, 137, 182, 184, 267 
Roussillon, 80, 84, 116, 174, 195, 196, 203, 204, 270, 275 
Roye, 17, 73, 94, 103, 109, 179, 180, 208 
Rubemprd, Bastard of, 92, 93 

Saintonge, 27, 108, 116, 161 
Salces, 19s 
Salins, 255 
Salisbury, 144 
San Fabiano, 78 

297 



INDEX 

Sandwich, 138 

Santerre, 230 

Sarno, 78 

Saumur, 3 

Savona, 88 

Savoy, 88, 118, 154, 175, 196, 198, 225, 256 

„ Charles I, Duke of, 253 

„ Louis I, Duke of. See Louis 

„ Louise of. See Louise 

„ Marie of, 95, 118, 215 

„ PhiUbert, Duke of. See Philibert 

„ Yolande, Duchess of. See Yolande 
Scales, Lord, 144 
Schwytz, 197 

Scotland, 20, 63, 82, 83, 195 
„ Eleanor of, 49, 50, 198 
„ Margaret of. See Margaret 
„ James I, King of, 20, 21, 22, 26 
„ James II, 26 
„ Jane of, 49 
Seine, 107, 210 
Senlis, 40, 41, 155 

„ Peace of, 233 
Sfevre, 161 
Sforza, Francesco, Duke of Milan, 63, 76, 88, 94, 117 

„ Galeazzo Maria, Duke of Milan, 94, 104, 117, 118, 139, 145, 
146, 220, 232, 233 
Sicily, 3, 16, 52, 245 
Siena, 117 

Sigismondo Malatesta, Lord of Rimini, 76, 78 
Sigismund, Duke of Austria, 16, 50, 186, 198, 199, 202, 216 
Sixtus IV, Pope, 17s, 241, 242, 257, 273 
Sluys, 83, 144 

Somme, River, 102, 149, 178, 214, 268 
Somme, Towns of the, 17, 90, 91, 92, 108 
Soleure, Treaty of, 215 
Spain, 74, 80, 163, 242, 245 
St. Denis, 71 
St. Jacques, 38 

298 



INDEX 

St. James of Compestella, in Spain, 86, 119 

St. Jean d'Angely, 79 

St. Jean de Luz, 87 

St. Lo, 139 

St. Maur-des-Fosses, 108 

Ste. M^ndhould, 109 

St. Omar, 32, 209, 237, 255 

St. Pol, Constable, Louis of Luxembourg, 16, 95, 97, 105, no, 118, 

129, 131, 146, 150, 151, 160, 170, 179, 189, 208, 211, 214, 215 
St. Quentin, 100, 160, 170, 172, 211, 230, 238 
St. Tron, 132 
St. Valdry, 184 

Talbot, Earl of, 14, 36, 57 

Tanneguy, Duchatel, 4, 238 

Tarragona, 85 

Tarascon, 32, 134 

Tewkesbury, Battle of, 173 

Thdrouanne, 235, 243 

Thouars, 250 

Tongres, 151, 152, 157 

Toul, 226 

Toulouse, 88 

Touraine, i, 5, 32, 86 

Tournay, 32, 49, 91, 141, 237, 239 

Tours, 3, 23, 71, 73, 78, 82, 86, 96, 98, 140, 163, 225, 232, 250, 255, 

256, 261 
Treves, 187, 199, 205 
Tronquoy, 208 
Troyes, 105, 106, 265, 267 

„ Treaty of, 4, 6 
Turks, 60, 87, 92, 241, 247 

Unterwalden, 197 
Uri, 197 
Utrecht, 255 

Valence, 56 
Valenciennes, 238 

299 



INDEX 

Valentine Visconti, 2, 30, 88, 233, 266 
Vaumarcus, 219 
Venice, 71, 78, 88, 118, 241 
Verdun, 163 

„ Guillaume d'Harancourt, Bishop of, 160, 161, 247 
Vermandois, 116, 230 
Verneuil, 6, 8 
Vernon, 139 
Vienne, River, 11 

Vienne, Angelo Catho, Bishop of, 248, 277 
Vierzon, 90 
Villon, 42, 98, 266 
Vimeu, 109 
Vincennes, 22, 113 
Visconti, Valentine. See above 

Warwick, Earl of, Richard Beauchamp, 27, 94, 125, 137, 138, 144, 163, 

164, 165, 172 
Winchester, Cardinal of, 16, 17 
Windsor, 22 
Woodville, Elizabeth (wife of Edward IV), 94 

„ Sir John, 163 

YOLANDE, of Aragon (mother of Ren^ of Anjou), 2, 3, 4, 9, 12, 13, 51, 

52, 53, 134 
Yolande of Savoy (sister of Louis XI), 51, 56, 57, 88, 118, 140, 147, 

174, 222, 224, 225, 244, 252 
Yolande of Vaudemont (daughter of Rend of Anjou), 187 
York, 165 

Zeeland, 74 

Zug, 197 ; 

Zurich, 197, 222 

Zutphen, 186 



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